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A SKK'l'Cii 



jFfir«it ^f wiffiif lit 



OF THE 



SEVERAL TOWNS ON LONG-ISLAND 



WITH THEIR 



FO^ITZCA^li t;OT91}lTSO^, 



TO THE 



END OF THE AMf^RICAN REVOLUTION. 



HY SILAS WOOD. 



REVISED EDITION. 
CO BROOKLYN, N. Y. 

PlUMi & BY AIDEN SPOONER, 55 F0LT0N-STKKE1 

T826. 



■ ADVERTISE MKNT. 

I'he original object of this little work, was to furnish some account of 
the first settlement of Long-Island — to preserve the memory of the most 
important facts connected with it, which were daily falling into oblivion, 
and to contribute materials for a correct history of the State. 

With the same view the work has been revised ; many of the original 
records have been re-examined, some mistakes have been corrected, some 
parts have been enlarged, some new facts have been added ; and it is 
presumed that the account here given is as correct as the nature of the 
sources from which the facts have been derived will admit. 

For many of the facts here stated, I am indebted to others, particularly 
to Ebenezer W. Case, Jonathan Dayton, Benjamin F. Thompson, 
Gabriel Furman, Esquires ; to Col. NicoU Floyd, and General Jeremiah 
Johnson ; for the meteorological observations, to Christopher Ming, Esq. 
and for many of the facts relating to East Hampton and the Montauk lan- 
guage, to a manuscript account of them by the late John Lyon Gardiner, 
deceased. 

A few papers referred to in the text, or illustrative of the facts there 
stated., have bpon added to the appendix, 






A SKETCH 

OF THE 

FIRST SETTLEMENT OF LONG-ISLAND, cy- 

-MaQe-— 

THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 

At the time of the first settlement of Long-Island, it ap- 
pears that the western part of it, if not the whole, was in ;i 
great measure bare of timber. 

The Indians here, as every where else where the^' were set- 
tled, annually burnt over the woods in order to clear the 
land, to provide food for the deer and other game. 

There are numerous facts to prove that at the time of the 
first settlement of the Island, the woods were destitute of un- 
derbrush, and that the large trees were so scarce, that it was 
deemed necessary to take measures for their preservation. 

The first settlers in every town, commenced their improve- 
ments without any previous clearing. They generally en- 
closed large tracts of land by a common fence, for planting, 
and also for pasturing such part of their stock as they did not 
wish to run at large. In 1646, the people of the town of 
Gravesend, by a vote at the first town meeting, held in the 
town, ordered every inhabitant to make twenty poles offence, 
to enclose a common field for corn, and in 1648, voted in like 
manner to make a common pasture for their calves. 

Similar regulations were made in Newtown, in Hempstead, 
in Huntington, and probably in most, if not all the towns on 
the Island. In 1654, the town of Southold passed a resolu- 
tion, that no person should cut trees or sell wood from their 
common lands, for pipe staves, or heading, or other purposes, 
to any person not being a townsman, " without the town's lib- 
erty." In 1659, the town of Huntington, by a vote of town 
meeting, resolved that no timber should be cut for sale, within 
ihree miles of the settlement, under the penalty of five shillings 
for every tree. In 1660, they made an exception of oak tim- 
ber for pipe staves; but in 1668, the magistrates after stating 
their apprehensions that the town was in danger of being ruin- 
ed by the destruction of its timber, ordered that no timber 
should be cut. for transportation, 'vithin three miles of the set- 



tlement, under ihc penalty ol" five shillings, for every tree ; 
and forbid strangers cutting any timber, within the limits of 
the town, under the like penalty. 

In 1660, the town of Oysterbay passed a similar resolution. 

In 1664, the town of South Hampton, voted that no timber 
should be made into pipe staves, to be carried out of the town, 
under the penalty of twenty shillings a tree. 

In 1 668, the town of Newtown, voted that no one should carry 
any timber to the water side for transportation, under the pen- 
alty of ten shillings a load. 

The trees in the woods were so thin and sparse, that they 
abounded with feed, and the settlers depended on them for pas- 
ture, for such cattle as were not needed for domestic pur- 
poses. 

In 1658, the town of Hempstead employed a herdsman to 
' attend their cattle. There are various resolutions of this town, 
for a series of years, to the same effect. They drove their cat- 
tle as far as Cow-neck, to pasture, and it is supposed to have 
taken its name from that circumstance.* 

In 1665, the town of Huntington, by a vote of town meet- 
ing, ordered that all the young and dr}' cattle belonging to the 
town, should be driven to Horse-neck, to pasture, after the se- 
cond day of June ensuing. 

In 1666, the town of Gravesend employed a herdsmen to 
attend their cattle that run at large, during the summer season. 

By neglecting the Indian practice of annual burnings, in 
a few years young timber and underbrush increased so as to 
injure the feed in tlie woods. 

In 1668, the town of Huntington, at town meeting, voted 
that every male over sixteen, should assemble when warned by 
the men who were appoined for that purpose, to cut down 
brush or underwood, when it should be thought a fit time to 
destroy it, under the penalty of five shillings a day for ne- 
glect. 

7th October, 1672. The Governor and court of assize, by 
an order, after stating that the feed for horses and cattle in the 
woods on Long-Island, had decayed by the increase of brush 
and underwood, directed the inhabitants from sixteen to sixty, 
10 turn out four days in every year, under the direction of the 

* The openness of the country was very favourable to the increase of stock, and the 
great plain around the town of Hempstead was peculiarly so, and their cattle becanie 
quite numerous within,a few years after the settlement of the town. 

Ill 16515, the people of Hempstead had 84 cows, which brought them 82 calves that 
year. 

In 1659, the town cousisletl of 62 families, and it appears from the accoimts of th^ir 
}ierd?nicn for that year, that thrv lia(i tt'iO head of cattle of all sort?. 



lown officers to cut out the brush and underwood, under the 
penalty oCfive shillings for every days neglect. 

In 1674, the town of Jamaica, by a vote of town meeting, re- 
solved that every male upwards of sixteen, should go out two 
days in the year, at the time appointed for that purpose, to cut 
down brush about the town, under the penalty of five shillings 
for every days neglect. 

By similar evidence, it appears that the pine plains were 
also at the time of the first settlement of the Island, in a great 
measure unincumbered with underbrush. 

This state of the country was of immense advantage to the 
first settlers. Had they been obliged to encounter thick fo- 
rests of large timber, and to wait the tardy returns of heavy 
clearings, the first emigrants would prb?b|y have prr'^od 
by famine. The opennp^^^ f t'.c counuy — ihe quantity of 
land left unoccupied by tne sparseness of the Indian popula- 
tion, and the rapid growth and nutritive quality of the corn 
found among the Indians, contributed essentially to the pre- 
servation, growth, and prosperity of the first settlers on Long- 
Island. 

Of the interfering claims of the English and the Dutch to 
Long-Island. 

The English and the Dutch both claimed Long-Island, on 
the ground of prior discover}'. 

On the discovery of America, it seems to have been adopt- 
ed by the maritimenationsof Europe, as apart of the conven- 
tional law of nations, that new discoveries should enure to the 
nation under whose authority they were made.* 

North America from 30 to 58 degrees of north latitude, 
was discovered in 1497 by Sebastian Cabot in the service of 
the English, and various voyages were made to different parts 
of the coast by English navigators previous to the 3'ear 1606. 

In 1606, King James by letters patent, granted all that part 

*Tlie Pope gave Spain and Portugal all the couutries inhabited by infidels which 
they should discover. The other nations of Europe claimed the enjoyment of the 
same privilege, and for a long time the naked discovery of a country without occupa- 
tion' or settlement, furnished the ground of an exclusive claim to an indefinite portion of 
the discovered country. The inconvenience and injustice of this doctrine by degrees 
lessened its force till it has by common consent fallen into oblivion. In I'liO, when 
the Spaniards in pursuance of the old doctrine had seized the ships of Gre.it Britain at 
Nootka Sound, the ministry proposed an immediate resort to force for redress. Mr. 
Fox in support of tlie proposed measure observed "That in the present enlightened 
age, the absolute claims of territory, by a <:rant from the Pope is done away, as is the 
right of territory by discovery without absolute settlement. The taking possession by 
fixing up a cross, or any such mark of ceremony is by the good sense of tiie present 
lime not admitted, and that the only ground of right is absolute occupancy." 

If this doctrine had prevailed in 1664, it might have altered the destiny of the 
Dutch province of New Netherland. 



ot'the continent which lay between 34 and 45 degrees ol' uorih 
latitude to Sir Thomas Gates and others, with permission to 
divide themselves into two companies, the first to be called the 
London company, and the second the Plymouth company. 

In 1607, The London company commenced a settlement in 
Virginia. 

In 1609, The King granted a separate patent to the first 
company extending from Point Comfort two hundred miles 
each way, and in length from sea to sea. 

In 1620, The same King granted a separate patent to the 
second company by the name of "the council established at 
Plymouth in the county of Devon for the planting, ruling, and 
governing of New England in America," for all that part of 
the continent lying between 40 and 48 degrees of north lati- 
tude, and extending from sea to sea. In virtue of this charter 
which is usually called the New England patent, the council 
of Plymouth issued all the subordinate patents of the several 
colonies which were granted before it was surrendered to the 
crown, to wit, the Plymouth patent in 1621 that of Massachu- 
setts in 1628, and that of Connecticut 1631.* 

The same company by order of Charles the first, on the 
22d of April 1635, issued letters patent to William, Earl of 
Sterling, "Secretary of tlie Kingdom of Scotland," for the 
whole of Long-Island. 

April 20, 1 636, The Earl of Sterling executed a power of 
attorney to James Farret, to sell and dispose of lands on the 
Island, and the earliest purchases made by the English on the 
Island, were made or confirmed by authority derived from 
him.f A certified copy of this power of attorney taken from 
the record of Massachusetts, is among the papers in the ofike 
of the clerk of the Town of Southampton. 

* In June 1C35, the Plymoutli company surrendered their charter to the Crown, 
and recommended that tlie whole ••oiiutry embraced by it should be divided into a 
number of provinces, eacli to be under the government of some Lord, and the whole 
to be under a Governor General, to he appointed by the crown. But the plan was not 
a<lopted Shortly after the dissolution of the company, the King appointed the Arcii- 
bishop of Canterbury, and Fome oi tiie great officers of the crown, a board of Coinmis- 
sionera to regulate the afTairs of the colonies ; it does not appear that the board ever 
proceeded to execute their trust, and the different parts of the country that had not 
been patented by the Plymouth company, were after that period granted by letters pa- 
tent or the King or his Governors. 

f William Alexander, was born in Scotland in 1580, was knighted by James the Gth, 
of Scotland, and 1st of England 1614, obtained letters pntent for Nova Scotia in !6i'], 
was made Secretary of the Kingdom of Scotland in 1626, Peer of Scotland in 1630 
and was created Earl of Sterling in \Q'S.). He obtained a grant for I.oiig-jsland in 
1635, and died in 1640. He was succeeded by his son, who died a few mouths after 
him, ^ho was succeeded by his uncle Henry, who relinquished tiie Grant of Long-Isl- 
and to James Duke of Vork, before the patent to him in 1664, in which it 'was inserted. 
The Grant ofLong-F«land to Lord Sterling, and the relinquishment of it to the crown 
or to the Duke of Vork by his heirs, is recognized in the patent of Governor Niccll to 
f. instant Sylvester, and IS'athanieJ Sylvester, for Shelter Island. 3I?t May 1666 



ill !bOy, Heury Hudson, an Englishman in the service oi' 
tiie Dutciij visited and explored the harbor of New-York and 
the river vifhich has since been called by his name.* 

In 1611, The merchants ofiVmsterdam sent out some ships 
with goods, and opened a trade with the natives. 

In 1613, The Dutch were visited by the English from Vir- 
ginia, and submitted to pay an acknowledgment to the crown 
of England. 

In 16 14, They received a reinforcement from Europe, 
erected a Fort and refused to submit to the English. The 
English in America, did not think proper, or were not in a 
condition to ronevv their eftb-ts to reduce or restr^i^' 'be Dptcb, 

In 1615, They sailed up tne North River and erected a Fort 
on a small Island, a short distance below Albany, and in a 
short time afterwards erected Fort Orange at Albany, on the 
spot as is supposed, where the mansion house of Simeon De 
Witt, the Surveyor General of the state of New- York, now 
stands. 

In 1621, The States General granted the Dutch West India 
Company an exclusive right to trade to America for twenty- 
four years, with various other privileges. 

The Dutch seem at their first arrival, and for many years 
afterwards, to have had no other views in visiting the country 
than to engross the trade with the natives. It does not appear 
that they had then adopted any plan for the settlement and 
improvement of the country. No serious attempt at coloniza- 
tion appears to have been made till Van Twiller's administra- 
tion, who arrived in 1629, and was succeeded by Kieftin 1638. 

The first purchase of the Indians on Long-Island that has 
been discovered was in 1635, and the earliest deed for land 
to individuals, is a patent from Governor Van Twiller to An- 
dries Hedden and Wolphert Garritsen, for a tract of land in 
Amersfort or Flatlands, bearing date of 6*', June 1636. 

ill 1643, Go\ Grnor Kicit staicL, il.at the Dutch settlements 
at that time, only extended 10 miles east and west, and seven 
miles north and south, 

.The first mention made of cattle, is a distribution made by 
Van Twiller in 1638.f Before this period the Dutch establish- 

*= According to De Laet, Adrian Block, in 1614, sailed from New Amsterdam, now 
IV ew-York, through the Sound to Cape Cod, and visited the intermtdiate coast and 
Islands. If so, he was the first who ascertained that Long-Island was separated from 
the main. In 1()19, Thomas Dermer in sailiug from New England to Vir^'inia, passed 
through the sound and confirmed the discovery of Adrian Block. In his Journal he 
states " we found a most dangeious cataract amongst small rockey Islands, occasioned 
by two unequal tides, the one ebbing and flowing two hours before the others." 

■\ June 4th 1638, Governor Van Twiller let George Rapelje have two Cows for four 
years, tiien to be returned with half their increase, with th-:- exception of a heifer which 
he consented should he retained as a present to one of the daughters of Rapelj*-. This 
seems to have been a common mode of furnishing the settlers v. ith stock 



meiits seem to have been principally, if not purely commercial, 
and were probably under the superintendance of a factor or 
commercial agent. 

It seems that the claims of the Dutch were not limited to 
any definite portion of the country, and that they extended 
their claim with their purchases and settlements. 

In 1661, Governor Stuyvesant complains to the directors 
of the West India company, that they were without a patent to 
support their claim. The Dutch in order to extend their 
claims to as much of the country as possible, at an early period 
made a purchase on the Delaware, and in 1633 on Connecti- 
cut river, and claimed the whole country between those two 
rivers. 

The English a few months afterwards, also made a pur- 
chase on Connecticut river, and erected a house a few miles 
above Fort Hope, which had shortly before been erected by 
the Dutch. The English commenced a settlement at Say- 
brook in 1635, at Hartford in 1636, and at New Haven in 
1638, and continued to extend their settlements westward un- 
till they met the Dutch in Stamford in 1640. 

Of the settlement of the Island. 

Both powers endeavoured to strengthen their respective 
claims to the Island by extending their settlements there. 

The two extremities of the Island were jfirst settled ; the west 
end under the Dutch, and the east end under the English. 

The several settlements under the two powers were nearly 
cotemporary and were all commenced within the compass of 
forty years. 

Both the Dutch and English terrritories on Long-Island, 
were settled by villages or towns, nor was there any combina- 
tion of these into counties before the conquest of the English 
in 1664. 

The extent of the towns in the English territory, and of 
the English towns in the Dutch territory, was regulated by 
the extent of their Indian purchases* The extent of the Dutch 
Towns was probably regulated by the extent of their grants 
from the Governor. 

In the Dutch towns it seems that the lands were generally 
purchased by the Governor, and were by him granted to in- 
dividuals. In the English towns in tlie Dutch territory, the 
lands were generally purchased of the natives by the settlers, 
with the consent of the Dutch Governor, and in the Towns 
under the English, the lands were purchased of the natives 



by the settlers, oiigioally with the couseiu oi ilie agent ui llie 
Earl of Sterling; and after his death, the purchases of the In- 
dians were made by the people of the several Towns for their 
common benefit.* 

In cases of grants to companies by the Dutch Governor, the 
lands were divided by lot; and in all cases of purchase, the 
rights of individuals were deemed to be in proportion to their 
contribution to the purchase, or to the patent by which it was 
confirmed. 

A single family of French protestants seems to have settled 
on the Island in the vicinity of New- York, as early as 1625. 
In a family record in the hands of Gen. Johnson of Brooklyn. 
it is stated that the first child of George Jansen De Rapalje, 
was born at the Wallaboght that year ; and it is a tradition 
among the Dutch, that this was the first white child that was 
born on the Island. 

This family and perhaps a few others, may have thus early 
located themselves on the shores of the Island opposite New- 
York, but it is supposed that very few emigrants had yet ar- 
rived in the Dutch territories, whose object was the cultivation 



* The first purchase of Southold was made uoder the authority of New Haveu, and 
tbe purchase of Easthampton was made by the Governor of New Haven and Hartford, 
and tlie lands were afterwards conveyed to the respective settlers of the two towns. 

LyonGardiner was the sole proprietor of Gardiner's Island. Shelter island wsi 
purchased by James Farrett, and after some intermediate conveyance? iu IOCS, became 
vested in Natiianiel Sylvester, Constant Sylvester, and Thomas Middleton. Constant 
Sylvester resided in Barbadoes, and Thomas Middleton in England. During tiie 
period of the Dutch power. On the reconquest of the colony, the Dulcli Governor on 
the 28th April 1674, by a formal act confiscated the rights of those two gentlemen as 
public enemies, and on the 28th of August sold the same to Natiianiel Sylve.ster for 
^300, for which he gave his bond. When it was ascertained that tiie Dutch must 
shortly leave the country, it appears, from a recital in the will of Nathaniel Sylves- 
ter, the Governor sent a ship with fifty soldiers to Shelter Island, to collect the money 
due on the said bond. They landed on the Island, surrounded the house of Nathaniel 
Sylvester, and compelled him to pay tiiem the amount of the bond. Smitiitown was 
given to Lyon Gardioer by Wyandance, in 1659, by whom it was sold to Richard Smith 
in 1663, and was confirmed by the Nissaquague Sricliem in 1665. 

W' illiam Nicolls was the original purchaser and sole proprietor of the greater part of 
I slip. Eaton's Neck was given to Governor Eaton by the Indians, and Winthrop's 
patent in like manner to Governor Winthrop. Exclusi"e of Judge Smith's purchases 
and a few others, the other lands in the several towns in Suffolk county, were pur- 
chased by the first settlers in common. 

The lands in the occupancy of the Indians in tlio towns of Southampton and East- 
hampton, belong to those towns respectively. The Indians have only a usufructuary 
property in them. 

The peninsula of Montauk contains about 9000, acres 1500 of which are timber, an.i 
1000 water, is divided into three fields ; tlie first or common field, contains 6600 acre?, 
the other two 1200 each. The Indians occupy one or other of the smaller fields as 
they choose, from the time of planting:, to the time of j^athering com, and have a 
right to keep, 52 head of cattle or ho:>i'?. Tlie whole is divided into 38 sliaret, 
each share entitles the proprietor to put 56 head of cattle into the common field, the 
first week in April, and on the 1st of June to put 12 of the 56 into the fatting tield. 
The fat cattle are taken av^ay the 1st of Noveraber, and the other? the Ist of Decern 
ber. One horse i« deemed equivaletit to two cattle, or four calves, or 7 sheep. 



10 

ol i(je soil. The earliest deed for land in the town ot" Brook- 
IviKis agrant to Abraham Rycken in 1638; and the earliest 
deed on record, is a grant to Thomas Besker in the year 
1639, and the earliest grant for lands in Kings county that 
has been discovered was in 1636. 

This must be considered as the commencememt of the Dutch 
settlements on Long Island. There is no evidence that any 
direct and systematic efibrts were made for this purpose, till 
this period. 

In 1641, the Dutch Governor and Council, in order to 
strengthen their claim to the Island, consented that the Eng- 
lish should settle there under their jurisdiction, on taking the 
oath of allegiance to the states general, and the Dutch West 
India Company. 

The Town ofGravesend in Kings county, and the several 
Towns of Hempstead, Flushing, Jamaica, and Newtown in 
Queens County, were originally settled by Englishmen on 
these conditions : The other towns in Kings County were 
settled by the Dutch, and all the other towns on the Island 
were settled under the English. 

The first settlement under the English was made by Lyon 
Gardiner, on Gardner's Island, in 1639, under a purchase made 
by him of the natives, which was confirmed by James Farret, 
agent of the Earl of Sterling, in 1640. 

In October 1640, the people of Souihold commenced a set- 
tlement on a tract of land which h&d been purchased of the 
natives by the government of New Haven. 

In May 1640, the English attempted to make a settlement 
on a tract of land on the east side of Great Neck, or on the 
west side of Cow Neck, in the town of North Hempstead, on 
the north side of the Island, which had been purchased of the 
liatives by Daniel Howe, under an agreement with ihe agent of 
the Earl of Sterling ; but were prevented by Kieft, the Dutch 
Governor, and the settlers removed to Southampton, purchas- 
ed a tract of land of the natives, and commenced a settlement 
there in December 1640, which was the foundation of that 
town. 



* 



* By an agreement bearing date I7tli April ICIO, James Farret, agent of the Earl 
of Sterling, authorized Daniel How, Job Payne and other?, their associates, to pnr- 
ihase lands, and form a settlement on Long-Island " with as full and free liberty both 
in church order and civil government, as the plantations in Massachusetts enjoyed." 

By virtue of this agreement, Daniel How shortly after made a purchase of the na- 
tives on the Island " Which extended from the easteru part of Oysterbay, to the 
western part of a bay called after him, How's bay, to the middle of the plains, being 
half th« breadth of the Island," and immediately commenced a settlement in tlie 
western part of said purchase. May 13 1640, Governor Keift sent Cornelius Vaa 
Trenhoven, ihe Secretary, the under Sheriff, a Sergeant, and twenty-five soldiers to 



11 

In i64i, tije English advanced as far as Oysterbay, with- 
in the tract purchased by captain Howe, and were broken up 
by the Dutch Governor. Some of the English planters were 
seized and imprisoned, and others driven from their settle- 
ments. 

The line of division between the respective territories of the 
two powers, was a constant source of contention between them, 
and the public harmony was interrupted by mutual complants 
of encroachments on Long Island, as well as on the main. 

It was at length attempted to put an end to these com- 
plants, and to secure peace and quiet on the borders, by de- 
finitively settling the boundaries between their respective ter- 
ritories. 

May 19, 1643, the four (New England colonies, Plymouth, 
Massachusetts, Hartford, arid New Haven, formed a union for 
their mutual security, and the protection of the settlements that 
were connected with them. 

Public affairs were transacted by two commissioners from 
each colony. All controversies between the English and the 
Dutch, were from that period on the part of English managed 
by the commissioners of the united colonies. 

A treaty for the adjustment of differences, and the settlement 
of boundaries between the two powers, was negotiated by Mr. 
Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Prince of Plymouth, on 
the part of the Commissioners, and by Thomas Willet and 
George Baxter, on the part of the Dutch jGovernor, at Hart- 
ford, the 19th September 1650. 



Scout's hay to break up the said seltleraent. The party set oat the Mth |and re- 
turned tlie lith. They found the company, consisting of eight men and a woiuuii 
with an infant, who had erected one house, and were engaged in erecting another.— 
The party brought six of the men with them to the Governor, to wit, Job Sayre, 
George Wells, John Farrington, Philip C.irllfind, Nathaniel Cartland, and William 
Harcher, whom he conEned, and examined on oath. On examination it appeared tliat 
they came from Lynn, near Boston, and were brought to the Island by James Tarret, 
in a vessel commanded br Daniel How, both of whom had returned to New Haven. 
On the loth these men, on signing an agreement to leave the place, were dismissed. 

Scout's bay was the same as How's bay, and is the bay between Cow Neck and 
Great Neck, and so called in the ancient deeds for land adjoining it. Martin Gar- 
I etson's bay is the bay between Great Neck and Little Neck, and is the boundary 
br^ween Flushing and North Hempstead. 

The settlement therefore must have been on the oast aide of Great Jfeck, or the 
west side of Cow Neck, and probably at the latter place. After their settlement at 
How's bay was broken up, Daniel How and his associates went to Southampton, con- 
tracted with the natives for the purchase of a tract of land there, and advanced them 
some part of the consideration to secure the bargain. 

December 13th 1640, they settled the payment of the remaining part of tlie consid- 
eration, obtained a deed for the land, and commenced their settlement. They held 
their first town meeting the 6th of April 1641, and their town meetings are regularly 
recorded from that period. 

The acknowledgement to the Earl of Sterling, or to his heirs, was fixed by Governor 
Winthrop of Boston, by an agreement of James Farrett in 1641, at four btuhels of 
Indian corn, payable the last day of September annually, at Southampton. 



i'2 

By that treaty it was mutually agreed, with regard to the 
boundaries^between the two powers on Long-Island, " That a 
iine run from the westernmost part of Oysterbay, and so a 
straight and direct line (o tiie sea, shall be the bounds betwixt 
the English and Dutch there. The easterly part to belong to 
the English, and the westernmost to the Dutch." 

When Oysterbay came to be settled by the English, a dis- 
pute arose between them and the Dutch Governor, respecting 
the westernmost limits of the bay ; and this with the delay of 
the States General to satisfy the treaty, furnished the Dutch 
Governor with a pretext for not fulfilling it. 

In 1659, the directors of the West India company ordered 
the Dutch Governor to erect a Fort, or to build a Block-house 
on their east bay, in order the more effectually to resist the 
encroachments of the English. 

In 1661, the Governor informed them that he had not 
begun the Fort on Long-Island, near Oysterbay, " because 
our neighbours lay the boundaries a mile and a half more 
westerly than we do ; and the more as your honours are not in- 
clined to stand to the treaty of Hartford," and although the 
treaty was ratified by the States General the 22d February 
1656, yet it seems that the Governor never wholly relinquish- 
ed his claim of jurisdiction over that town, or a part of it. 

In June 1656, the commissioners of the United Colonies 
in answer to a communication of the Dutch Governor, re- 
jjvoach him with still continuing to claim Oysterbay, in viola- 
tion of the treaty of Hartford. 

These disputes involved the people of Oysterbay in mucli 
difficulty and perplexity. To avoid giving offenee to one power 
or the other, and to secure peace and quietness, they were 
compelled to observe a kind of neutrality between the con- 
tending parties. 

December 13, 1660, they resolved by a vote of the people 
in Town meeting, that no person should intermeddle to put 
the town either under the Dutch or English, until the differ- 
ence between them should be ended, under the penalty of £50 
sterling. 

January 8, 1662, they seem to have taken a more decisive 
part. The;^ avowed their allegiance to the King of England, 
and resolved to defend any one who should be molested for 
exercising authority among them, at their common expense. 
U is presumed that this town about this period, united with 
the otlier English towns on the Island east of Hempstead, in 
their voluntary submission to the jurisdiction of Connecticut. 



i:i 



Of the order in which the several Towns on the Island 
ivere settled. 

The lime of the settlement of the English towns, is to be col- 
lected from the date of their respective purchases of the na- 
tives, and that of the Dutch towns from the grants of the 
Governor, or from the original records of their respective 
proceedings. From these, it appears that the first settlement 
of the several towns on the Island, was commenced at or near 
the time, and in the order following: 

Brooklyn, _ _ - - 1636 

Flatlands, originally Amersfort, - - 1636 

Gardner's Island, . _ - 1639 

Southold - - - - - 1640 

Southampton, - _ - - 1640 

Hempstead, _ . - - 1643 

Gravesend, - _ - - 1645 

Flushing, originally Vlusshingen, - - 1645 

East Hampton, - - - - 164S 

Flat Bush, originally Midvvout, - - 1651 

Shelter Island, - - - - 1652 

Huntington, _ . . _ 1653 

Oysterbay, _ - - _ 1653 

Brookhaven, _ _ _ . 1655 

Jamaica, orginally Rustdorpe, - - 1655 

Newtown, originally Middleburgh, - - 1656 
New-Utrecht, . - - - 1657 

Bushwick ----- 1660 
Smith Town, - - - - 1663 

Islip, ----- 1666* 

The lands in the several towns in Kings County, were 
purchased by the Dutch Governor, or with iiis consent, and 
it is presumed wholly of the Canarsee tribe of Indians, 

* Some confusion exists in the dates of this period, and an erent may have 
taken place a year before, or a year after it is stated to have happened, but the er- 
ror in time can rarely exceed a year. 

When the computation by the christian era was introduced, the commencement of 
the year wag fixed on the day of the annunciation or incarrdtioii of Christ, wliich 
■was placed on the '25th of March, and so continued in Eng! iud and her dominions, till 
the alteration of the style in 1752, when by an act of Parliament, it was enacted, that 
eleven days should be stricken out of the month of September, and that the 3d should 
be dated 14th, and one day added to February in every fourth year to conform their 
chronology to that of the other nations ^>i' Europe, who had introduced a siinil.ir alter- 
ation some years before, in order to correct the error arising from tiie procession of 
the equinoxes ; and that the year should commence on the !st of January instcp.d of 
the 25th of March. Before this time it had been usual to preserve a correspondeccy 
of dates with those of other nations, to giva a double date from the 1st of January to 
the 25th of March. Thus February the 8th 1721, was written February the 3tl> 
172^ the omifsion of the lower number, would cause an error of a year. 



J4 

Jamaica was purchased of the Canarsee and Rockaway 
tribes. 

Newtown was principally purchased of the Rockaway 
Indians. 

Flushing was purchased by the Dutch Governor, it is be- 
lieved of the Martinecoc tribe of Indians. 

Oysterbay was purchased of the Matinecocs. 

Hempstead was purchased of the Rockaway, Merikoke, 
and Marsapeague tribes. 

Huntington was purchased of the Matinecoc, Marsapeague, 
and Secataug tribe. 

Smith Town was, by the Montauk sachem, Wyand- 
ance, given to Lyon Gardiner, who sold it to Richard 
Smith, to whom it was confirmed by the Nissaquague sachem. 

Brookhaven was purchased of the Satauket and Patch- 
ogue tribes. 

South Old was purchased of the Corchaugs. 

[slip was purchased of the Secataugs. 

South Hampton was purchased of the Shinecoc tribe. 

East Hampton, was purchased of the Shinecoc, Corchaug, 
Manhansett, and Montauk tribes. 

Shelter Island was purchased of the Manhansett tribe. 

Of Trade. 

On the first settlement of the Island the surplus produce 
was wanted by the new settlers ; during this period they had 
little trade but among themselves, money was very scarce, 
contracts were made in produce, and business was carried on 
by barter and exchanges; contracts for the sale of land as 
well as others were made in produce. 

In 1658, the town of Hempstead agreed to pay the herds- 
men who attended their cattle, twelve shillings sterling a week, 
payable iu butter, wheat, corn and oats, at stipulated prices. 

In 1659, the same tov.n allowftu si;, bushels ot corn for kill- 
ing ;i - '^ ♦ 

In loo9, the town of East Hampton, agreed to give Thomas 
James, their Minister, £60 a year, " in such pay as men raise, 
as it passes from man to man." 

In 1663, the town of Jamaica, contracted with Zachariah 
Walker, their minister, to give him £60 a year, payable in 
wheat and corn, at fixed prices. 

In 1664, the town of Gravesend, contracted to give a man 
and his assistant, 600 guilders, to guard their cattle that run 
at large during the summer season, to be paid in " bacon and 
corn." 



15 

In 1670, the people of Newtown, agreed to give William 
Leveredge, their minister, annuall}' 40 shillings a piece, to be 
paid " half in corn and half in cattle." 

In 1686, the town of Huntington, contracted with a carpen- 
ter to make an addition to their meeting house, to be paid in 
produce at stipulated prices. 

In 1680, the town of South Hampton agreed to give Joseph 
Taylor, their minister, the use of the parsonage, four acres in 
their ox pasture, one fiftieth in the commonage, and one hun- 
dred acres woods. Also, a yearly salary of £100, payable in 
winter wheat at five shillings a bushel, summer wheat four shil- 
lings b bushel, Indian corn at two shillings and sixpence a bushel 
tallow at six-pence per pound, green hides at three-pence, dry 
hides at six-pence per pound, beef at forty shillings the barrel, 
pork at £3, 10 the barrel, or three-pence the pound, whale bone 
at eight-pence the pound, and oil at thirty shillings the barreh 
to be collected by the constable and overseers, or by men to 
be appointed by them. 

In 1682, the town of Hempstead agreed to give Jeremiah 
Hobart, their minister, the use of the parsonage, and three or 
four acres of land, the use of the commons for his cattle, and to 
give him one hundred acres of land where he chose to take 
it up, and a yearly salary of £66, 14, payable in corn and 
cattle. 

Debts were discharged — executions satisfied, and rates paid 
in produce. The rate at which produce was taken in pa}^- 
ment of debts, was, the price which the merchants gave for the 
like articles at the time. 

In 1654, the magistrates of East Hampton, ordered that 
the town rates should be paid in wheat at four shillings and 
six-pence per bushel, and in Indian corn at three shillings and 
six pence. 

In 1665, the town court of Jamaica in an action of trespass, 
gave judgment in favour of the plaintiff for twelve bushels 
and an half of wheat for his damages. 

In 1679, the town court of Huntington gave judgment, 
that the defendant should pay the debt demanded in " good 
merchantable pay at the current price." 

In 1680, the same court gave judgment for the debt, and 
the Constable sold a house and lot on execution for £10. 10, 
to be paid " in merchantable pay at the current price." 

Executions issuing out of the court of sessions, were also 
levied in produce, but it was appraised by indifferent men 
chosen by the parties or appointed by the sheriff, when it was 
delivered to the plaintiff in satisfactionof his judgment. 



U) 



The prices of produce receivable for county rates, were 
generally fixed by the Governor and court of assize, but were 
sometimes submitted to the court of sessions, subject to there- 
vision and approbation of the Governor. 

In 16G5, the Assessors of the several towns were ordered by 
law to estimate stock at the following rates : 

A horse or mare, 4 years old and upward, £12 

Do. do. 3 and 4 - - - 8 

Do. do. 2 and 3 
Do. do. I and 2 
An ox or a bull 4 years old and upward, 
A cow four years old and upwards, 
A steer or heifer between 3 and 4 



Do. do. 

Do. do. 

A goat one year old, 
A sheep, do. 
A swine, do. 



2 and 3 
1 and 2 










10 
10 
8 
6 




In 1G79, the prices fixed at which produce should be re- 
ceived for county rates were as follows : 



Pork, 

Beef, 

Winter wheat, 

Summer do. 

Rye, - 

Indian corn, 
Oil, 



£0 





1 






4 
3 
2 
2 
10 



3 per lb. 

2 do. 

per bushel. 
6 do. 
6 do. 

3 do. 
per barrel. 



In 1687, the prices of produce receivable for taxes were as 
follows : 

10 

10 

5 



Pork, 
Beef, - 
Wheat, 
Indian corn. 
Tallow, - 
Dry hides. 
Green, 



£3 
I 








per barrel, or 3d per lb. 

do. 2d do. 

per bushel. 

6 do. 

6 per lb. 

4 do. 

2 do. 



Contract prices of various articles, from 1665, to 1687 



Porl 

Beef, 

Wheat, 

Rye, 

Corn, 

Oats, 

Butter, 

Tallow 



from 



£0 3 lb. 

2 do. 

4 per bushel, to 5 s. 

3 6 do. 

2 6 do. 

2 do. 

6 lb. 

B do. 



Hogs tat, - - - 6 do. 

Board, - - 5 per week. 

Victuals, - - - 6 per meal. 

Lodging, - - 2 per ni^lit. 

Beer, - - - 2 per mug. 

Pasture, - - 10 for a day and night. 

Labour, - - - 2 C per da}*. 

The practice of paying in produce continued until about the 
year 1700; when trade had rendered money plenty, and in- 
troduced it into general circulation. 

Of the character of the first Settlers in the several English 
towns on Long-Island. 

The English towns on the Island, both on the Dutch and 
English territories, were settled by companies of individuals, 
tbe most of whom had first landed in some part of New-En- 
gland ; but had remained there only a short time, little longer 
in some instances than was necessary to select a proper place 
for a permanent residence, and to form themselves into asso- 
ciations adequate to the commencement of new settlements. 

The first settlers of Southold, remained a short time at 
New-Haven. Those of South Hampton and East Hampton, 
were sometime at Lynn. The people of Hempstead had made 
a short stay first at Wethersfield, and again at Stamford, be- 
fore they fixed themselves in those respective towns. 

All the first settlers of the several English towns on the Is- 
land, were probably born and educated in England. 

The first settlers of East Hampton, came from Maidstone, 
in Kent. The first settlers of South Hampton and of Hemp- 
stead, were probably the most of them from Yorkshire ; and 
the first settlers of most of the other towns, seem to have been 
collections composed of individuals from almost every part of 
England. 

These companies in most of the towns, consisted at first of 
only a few families. 

The first settlement of East Hampton, was commenced by 
nine families ; of South Hampton, by fourteen ; of Huntington, 
by eleven ; and of Oysterbay by ten ; but in all these cases, 
the company in advance was immediately followed by others, 
and the settlements increased by the constant accession of new 
comers.* 



* In 1657, in Sowth Hampton, there were T5 who bore arms in the Militia, and drew 

3 



Thp original settlers jn most of the English towns, both m 
the Dutch and English territories, were principally English In- 
dependents or Presbyterians, and partook of the spirit and 
temper, which at the time of their emigration, characterized 
that class of men in England, 

Many of the first settlers in the several towns on the Island, 
were well educated, and sensible men — they had sustained a 
good standing in society, and left reputable connections in 
England. 

The early records and public documents of the several 
towns, evince that the leading men among them had a correct 
knowledge of the laws and constitution of England, and were 
well acquainted with public business. 

They left England during the turbulent times, in the reiga 
of Charles the first; when both civil and religious liberty, 
were prostrated by the illegal and tyrannical extension of the 
royal prerogative, and by the intolerance of the established 
Church, supported the one by the star chamber, and the other 
by the high commissioned court, before the abolition of these 
engines, of arbitrary power.* 

They fled from tyranny and oppression, and were ardently 
devoted to the cause of civil liberty, and zealous for the purity 
and simplicity of the Protestant religion — they were jealous oi' 
their rights and resolute in their defence. 

jiowder from the magazine, on an alarm created by the hostile acts of the Montauk In- 
tliaus. 

In 1659, in Hempstead there were 62 heads of families who contracted with the 
herdsman to attend their cattle. 

Ill 1G84, in Huntington there were 84 enrolled on the assessment list, the chief of 
irhich, probably were heads of families. 

In 1690, in Oysterbay there were 41 freeholders, who shared in the second division 
of the lands in that town. 

17th September, 1673, the number required to take the oath of allegiance to the 
newly establislied Dutch Government under Anthony Colve, was as follows . 

Jamaica 63, Flushing 67, Brooklyn 31, Flatbush 78, Flatlands 48, Utrecht 41, 
G ravesend 31 . 

* The Puritans being unable to adopt the constitution of the church of England, in 
JseS, established a government for tlieir Churches, by Pastors, Elders and Deacons. 

From 1560 to 1648, during the reign of Elizabeth, James, and Charles I. they were 
constantly harassed by the Bishops for their non-conformity ; and submission to llie 
edicts of Episcopal tyranny was enforced by the high commissioned Court. 

This Court with the star chamber was abolished in 1642, and these persecutions were 
suspended during the Commonwealth ; but after the restoration of Charles II. in 1660, 
tiiey were renewed by the act of uniformity, the conventicle act, and the corporation 
and test acts, and continued until the revolution ; soon after which in 1691, the tolera- 
tion act w as passed, which secured to the dissenters a partial and qualified enjoyment 
of their religious rights, but still left them subject to many ecclesiastical oppressions. 

These oppressions contributed to people the United States. Most of the first set- 
tlers on Long-Island, left England during the prevalence of these oppressive mea- 
sures, in the reign of Charles I. They sought an asylum principally for the en- 
joyment of religious freedom j aud they and tlieir posterity have ever since retained 
an abhorrence of tyranny in every shape, and Iiave always been the devoted friends 
of civil ai:d relisious freedom. 



19 

Tiiey held that by the British Constitution, ilic people vvei'e 
entitled to a share in legislation, and that their properly could 
not he taken from them without their consent. That every 
man had a right to adopt that form of worship, which he 
believed most agreeable to the scriptures, and that religion was 
essential to public order and social happiness. For the un- 
molested enjoyment of these blessings, they had forsaken the 
scenes of civilization, had broken asunder the ties which bound 
them to their native soil, had encountered the dangers of the 
ocean, and had submitted to the hazards and privations of a 
new and savage country, and they were anxious to incorpor- 
ate these principles in their new establishments, and to make 
them the basis of their social and political fabrics. 

Of the Civil and Political condition of the several tcivns in the 
English Territory, before the conquest. 

The several towns in the English territory, were not under 
the control of any colonial government, nor had they any po- 
litical connection with each o^l'er, Being too rf>mote Ao»>i 
the mother couniry, to '•^■'•''j ri,v:y ;.;J "■■jji ihsv.z^^, aau wiiiiout 
cor-riiciions here, the whole powers of Government devolved 
on the iniiabitants of each town. Self preservation rendered 
it absolutely necessary, that they should assume the exercise 
of these powers, until a change in their condition should su- 
percede the necessity of it. 

Thus, each town at its first settlement was a pure demo- 
cracy, the people of each town, exercised the sovereign pow- 
er. All questions were determined by the voice of the major 
part of the people, assembled in town meeting. In this man- 
ner they formed such laws and regulations as they judged ue- 
cessary for the security, peace and prosperity of their infant set- 
tlements. 

The people of South Hampton, previous to their settlement, 
entered into a social contract with each other, to be governed 
by such laws and orders as should be made by the vole of the 
major part of the inhabitants ; and to support and maintain 
the authority of the magistrates, in executing such laws and 
orders as should be in force among them. 

It is supposed that the people of South Old, entered into a 
similar compact, previous to trie settlement of that town. 

In 1655, the people of East Hampton, did the same ; and it 
is presumed that most, if not all the towns in the English terri- 
tory, in the infancy of their respective settlements, more or 
less formallv entered into similar covenants and combination?. 



20 

or adopted something of the like nature, as the basis of their 
social structure. 

in IG53, the town of Ea>t Hampton, sent for a copy of the 
laws of Connecticut ; and selected from them such as tliey 
judged applicable to their circumstances, and adopted them. 

In 1659, South Hampton did the same ; and the uniformity 
observable in the laws of the several towns, renders it probable 
that the other towns did the like, or made those laws the model 
for such as they made themselves. 

The greater part of their laws, resolutions and orders were 
framed by themselves, in their respective town meetings — they 
comprized su«;h provisions as were required by their peculiar 
situation and such as are necessary to the well being of every 
ciety. 

The first class of acts related to the di\ision of their lands 
—the enclosure of common fields for cultivation and pasture — 
to regulations respecting fences, highways, and watering pla- 
ces — respecting cattle, sheep, and horses, that run at large, 
and in the common fields ; and respecting the destruction of 
wild beasts. 

The second class of acts made provision for the public de- 
fence — for the collection of taxes — for the education of youth — 
for the preservation of good morals — for the support of reli- 
gion ; and for the suppression and punishment of crimes and 
offences. 

One of the first measures adopted in every town, was to 
require every man to provide himself, with arms and am- 
munition ; and to assemble at an appointed place, when warn- 
ed, under a penalty for neglect in an}' of these respects. 

In several of the towns, the first settlers erected a small fort 
or block house, for their security. These precautious were 
probably taken to guard against the Dutch, as well as the In- 
dians, at least in the western towns. 

The men capable of bearing arms in every town, were or- 
ganized into companies, under proper Officers ; and were re- 
quired to meet at stated times, for inspection and exercise. 

In 1642, the Military Company of South Hampton, was 
required to meet six times a year for these purposes. 

The public expenses were defrayed by a tax, the amount of 
which was fixed by a vote of the people, in a general town 
meeting ; and the rates were made and gathered by persons 
chosen for that purpose. 

The salaries of the first Ministers in most of the towns, 
seem to have been raised as other taxes, by an assessment 
on all inhabitants, according to the quantity of land they had 
taken up. 



21 

A school was established hi East Hampton, in the infancy 
oi'the settlement; and the teacher was allowed a salary ot" 
£33 a year. 

Among the records of Huntington for (657, there is a 
draught of a contract with a school master, for three years, at 
a salary of £25 for the first year, £35 for the second, and £40 
for the third ; and it is presumed that schools were established 
in al! the towns at an early period of their settiement. 

The more eflectually to preserve the purity of tie public 
morals they excluded from their society such as they judged 
would be like)}' to injure them. 

The lands were purchased and held by the first settlers, and 
they could dispose of them to whom they pleased. This 
power was an important engine in their hands, for the preser- 
vation of good morals ; and it seems to have been efficiently 
emploj'ed for that purpose. 

In 1651, the town of East Hampton ordered that a lot 
should not be laid out for a certain individual, and that he 
should not stay in the town. 

In 1662, the people of Huntington, by a vote of the town 
meeting, appointed a committee consisting of their Minister, 
and six of their most respectable inhabitants, to examine the 
characters of those who came to setde among them, with power 
to admit or to refuse admission to them, as they judged they 
would be likely to benefit or injure the society; with a 
proviso that they should not exclude any " that were honest, 
and will approxe of by honest and judicious men" ; and for- 
bid any inhabitant to sell or let house or land, to any one but 
such as should be approved of by the said committee, under 
the penalty of £10, to be paid to the town. 

In 1663, the same town forbid any inhabitant to entertain 
a certain obnoxious individual, longer than the space of a 
week, either gratuitously or for pa}', under the penalty of 40 
shillings, for the breach of the order " made for the peace of 
the town." 

It seems to have been adopted as an indispensable rule, in 
all the English towns on the Island, that no person should be 
admitted to settle among them without the approbation of the 
inhabitants, or of a majority of them. 

The first settlers in the several towns, also adopted every 
precaution in their power, to prevent their houses of entertain- 
ment from becoming injurious to the pubhc morals. 

In 1651, the town of East Hampton, passed a;i act forbid- 
ing any persons to sell any liquor but such as were deputed 
by the town for that purpose, and also forbiding such persons 



22 

to sillier voutli and such as were under other men's management, 
to remain drinking at nnseasonable hours, and that they should 
not let them have more than half a pint among four men. 

In 1659, the town of Hempstead established a house of en- 
tertainment, and enjoined it upon the keeper " to keep such 
order that it might not be offensive to the laws of God or the 
place." 

In 1660, the town of Huntington established a house of en- 
tertainment, and to ensure good order, made the continuance 
of the keeper to depend on the correctness with which he dis- 
charged his trust. 

The first settlers of the several towns in Suffolk Counlj, and 
the first settlers of Hempstead, made provision for the sup- 
port of the Gospel among them, in the infancy of their settle- 
ments ; and the first settlers of Jamaica and Newtown did the 
like in an early period of their settlements. The first settlers 
were careful in exacting punctual attendance on public wor- 
ship, and a strict observance of the Sabbath, and in preventing 
every kind of personal injur}'. 

In 1650, the town of Hempstead resolved that if any person 
neglected to attend public worship without a reasonable ex- 
cuse, he should pay five guilders for the first offence, ten for 
the second, and twenty for the third ; and that if he after- 
wards repeate-^! flic cj^^uce, lie should be iiabie either to an 
jr,:^gi'avafion of the fine, tocorporal punishment, or banishment. 
About the same period the town of East Hampton ordered that 
no Indian should travel up and down, or carry any burden in 
or through the town on the Sabbath day ; and that whosoever 
should be found so doing, should be liable to corporal pun- 
ishment. 

The town of East Hampton ordained that whosoever should 
slander any one, should be liable to pay a fine of £5. 

The same town ordained that whosoever should arise up a 
false witness against any man, to testify that which is wrong, 
there should be done unto him as he thought to have done 
unto his neighbour, whether it should be to taking away of 
life, linio, or goods. 

The same town ordered that if any one should strike another, 
he sliould pay a fine often shillings to tlie town ; and that if 
in smiting he should wound, he should pay for the cure and 
the time the person was thereby hindered. 

To secure the administration of Justice, and to prevent and 
punish offences, a court was established in every town, in 
the English territory, called the town court ; it was composed 
generally of three Magistrates, a clerk and constable, who 



23 

were chosen annually by the people in their respective town 
meetings. 

The people of the respective towns invested their town court 
with power to hear and determine all causes, civil and cri- 
minal. 

The proceedings of the courts in the several towns, were 
governed by the principles of the common law. The parties 
Avere entitled to a jury, if eithtr of them requested it The 
jury consisted of seven men, and the verdict was decided by 
the voice of the majority. 

In most of the towns, the decisions of the town court were 
conclusive ; but in South Hampton, an appeal lay from the 
decisions of the town court to the general town called the 
general court, which heard the appeal, and gave such judg- 
ment as was deemed just and right between the parties. 

The officers of the town courts frequently made orders re- 
lative to matters which concerned the welfare of the town, 
which seem to have had the same force and eflect as the reso- 
lutions of the town meetings, from which it is presumed that 
they were invented with power for this purpose, by the voice 
of the people. 

The respective town courts were vigilant in repressing and 
punishing all kinds of vice and profanity. 

In 1653, the town court of South Hampton ordered that if 
any person over fourteen years of age, should be convicted of 
wilful lying, by the testimony of two witnesses, he should be 
lined five shillings, or set in the stocks five hours. 

The same court at the same time ordered that if any person 
should be convicted of drunkenness, he should be fined ten 
shilling for the first offence, twenty for the second, and thirty 
for the third. 

In 1682, the town court of Huntington ordered the estate ot 
a certain person who was likely to spend it, to be seized, that 
it might be secured, preserved and improved for his livelihood 
and maintenance, and that the town might not be damnified. 

The same town court ordered that a person who was con- 
victed of bringing a bag of meal from Oysterbay to Hunting- 
ton on the Sabbath, should pay a fine of ten shillings, or make 
such acknowledgement for the ofi'ence, as the court would ac- 
cept 

In 1702, the town court of South Old fined a person 5s. 7i 
for a breach of the Sabbath. 

In 1711, the same court fined a person three shillings, i'ov 
})rofane swearing. 

Two cases of witchcraft occurred on Long-Island. 



in 1657, a Mrs. Garlicke, was brought before the town 
court of East Hampton, on suspicion of witchcraft, and a num- 
ber of witnesses were examined in support of the charge. Th(.' 
Mag'istr?ies after hearing the testimony, concluded to send 
her to Connecticut for furu.^. tiia], the result of »vi,icn is not 
known. 

In 1665. Ralph Hall and his wife were accused of witch- 
craft at Brookhaven, and the cause was tried before the court 
of assize at New-York, and terminated in their acquittal; an 
account of which is published in the Appendix to Yate's con- 
tinuation of Smith's history of New-York. 

Under the benign influence of the common law and of re- 
gulations made by themselves and enforced iiy Magistrates, 
annually chosen at their town meetings, the people of the sev- 
eral towns in the English Territory seem to have enjoyed the 
usual benefits of good government, and to have prospered as 
well as those settlements that were under an organized gov- 
ernment. 

Of their Union with Connecticut. 

The several English towns on Long-Island that were settled 
under the authority of the Earl of Stirling, and under the En- 
glish claim to the country, were exposed to interruption both 
by the Dutch and Indians. 

In order to secure the power and influence of the New En- 
gland colonies, tci protect them against the perils of their con- 
dition, they very early sought a connection with those co- 
lonies. 

The several towns put themselves under the protection of 
Connecticut, at different periods. South Hampton in 1644, 
East Hampton in 1657, Brookhaven in 1659, Huntington in 
1660, and Oysterbay probably 1662. South Old joined New- 
Haven in 1648, and with that colony was united with Con- 
necticut in 1662. 

The terms of this union are not known — the imme- 
diate object on the part of the several towns was protec- 
tion and security, and probably they indulged the hope that 
at some future period they would be made a part of that co- 
lony. 

Connecticut had no claim to the Island, and never exercis- 
ed any authoritative jurisdiction there before she received the 
charter granted her by Charles II in 1662. 

The several towns were received under her protection on their 
voluntary ofler, and at their solicitation. Before this period, 



25 

the connection seems to have been in the nature ot'an alhance: 
they aided the several towns when in ditficulty. In all affairs 
relating to the Dutch and Indians, the several towns received 
the advice, and pursued the direction of the Commissioners of 
the United Colonies, and they seem in other cases to have been 
governed by the counsels of Connecticut. 

The charter of Connecticut was received in 1 663. By that 
instrument the people were admitted to a share in legislation, 
and were indulged with the privilege of choosing their own 
officers. 

The liberal provisions of this charter made the several 
towns on Long-Island very desirous to perpetuate their con- 
nection with that colony. 

A clause in the new charter annexing the adjacent Islands 
to that colony, furnished her with a pretext to claim Long- 
Island, and it was doubtless with the consent, if not at the in- 
stance of the several towns on the Island that had put them- 
selves under her protection, that she set up a construction of 
her charter, which, if itcould have been sustained, would have 
embraced them as well as the other towns on the Island. 

After the reception of their charter, the general court of 
Connecticut claimed jurisdiction over the English towns that 
had put themselves under her protection. 

They ordered a contribution to be levied on them as well 
as on the towns on the main, towards the payment of the ex- 
penses of the new charter, and it would seem that they were 
afterwards subject to taxes in the same manner as other towns 
within her jurisdiction, for public purposes. 

In 1664, South Hampton appointed men to make the rate 
'•' both in respect to Hartford and this town." 

The general court seems also to have appointed such public 
officers in the several towns as were not chosen by the people. 
These towns seem to have been permitted to send deputies 
to the general court if they chose ; and to have enjoyed all 
the privilegesof other towns within her jurisdiction. 

In 1662, the town of Huntington chose two deputies to at- 
tend the general court at Hartford, in May 1663. 

May 12th, 1664, the general court proceeded to organize 

the courts on the Island, on the plan of those of Connecticut 

for this purpose they appointed the Governor and two others to 
go to the Island, to settle the English plantations there under 
the government of Connecticut, to establish quarter courts and 
other courts, for the admininistration of justice, provided theii* 
judgments should not extend to life, limb or banishment • 
and directed capital cases to be tried at Fairfield or Hartford' 

4 ■ 



!26 

These Commissioners came upon the Island in June 16(54, 
organized courts, established rules for the collection of rates 
and other matters ; but their arrangements were all frustrated 
before they could be carried into effect, by the conquest of the 
Dutch territories, and the anncKation of Long-Island to the 
government of the Duke of York. 

Long-Island was not comprised in the grant of any colony. 

It had been granted by order of Charles I. to William Earl of 

Stirling, but had been relinquished to the crown, or to the 

Duke of York by his heirs, and left free to be made the sub- 

cct of a new grant, or to be included in the patent to him. 

March 12th, 1664, Charles II. by letters patent, granted the 
country occupied by the Dutch, together with Long-Island, to 
his brother James, the Duke of York. 

A few months after the date of his patent, the Duke of York 
procured a squadron with some land forces, to be fitted out 
for the reduction of the territories comprised within his grant, 
under the command of Colonel Richard NicoUs, whom he 
appointed to jissume the government of the country as deputy 
Governor, under him and with whom the King associated, 
Colonel George Cartwright, S'lit Robert Carr, and Samuel 
Maverick, Esq. as Commissioners, with power to fix the boun- 
daries between the several colonies, to adjust all differences 
between them, and to settle the country in peace. 

The Commissioners landed at Boston on their way to New- 
York, and requested that, that colony would raise two hundred 
men and send them on to assist such troops as they had brought 
along with them in reducing the Dutch. 

The request of the Commissioners was readily assented to, 
but subsequent events rendered the aid unnecessary before it 
could be furnished. 

The Commissioners landed at Gravesend, on the west end 
of Long-Island, about the middle of August, 1664. They 
summoned the English on the Island to attend them at that 
place, and Governor Winthrop of Connecticut met them there. 

Colonel Nicolls exhibited to the Governor, and such as 
were there assembled, the letters patent to the Duke of York, 
with his own commission and that of the Commissioners. 

Colonel Nicolls demanded a surrender of the country on 
the easiest terms. Governor Winthrop A^rote to the Dutch 
Governor, recommeuding a surrender on the terms offered, 
and after a few days had been spent in messages and letters 
Ijeiween Colonel Nicolls and the Dutch Governor, the place 
was surrendered to the Commissioners the 27th of August, 
old stvle. 



Governor Wiiithrop uftei- seeing the letters patent to the 
Duke of York, informed the English on Long-Island, that 
Connecticut had no longer any claim to the Island ; that what 
tliey had dane was for the welfare, peace and quiet settlement 
of his Majesty's subjects^ as they were the nearest organized 
government to them under his Majesty ; but now his Majesty's 
pleasure was fullj' signified by his letters patent, their jurisdic- 
tion ceased and became null. 

It seems however, that the colony of Connecticut was stil] 
desirous of retaining Long-Island under her jurisdiction, and 
the several towns on the Island which had been connected with 
that colony, were as anxious that the connection should be 
continued. 

November 30th, 1664, the Commissioners met to settle the 
boundary between Connecticut and the Duke of York, and 
after hearing the allegations of the deputies who attended from 
Long-Island, as well as those who attended from Connecticut 
ia favour of connecting Long-Island with that colony, they 
determined that the south boundary of Connecticut was the 
Sound, and that Long-Island was to be under the government 
of his Royal Highness, the Diike of York. 

OF THE ECLESIASTICAL STATE OB' THE 
SEVERAL TOWNS ON THE ISLAND. 

Of the Dutch Towns. 

The people of the Dutch towns professed the doctrines in- 
culcated by the Synod, held at Dort in Holland, in 1618, 
and were under the ecclesiastical government of the classis of 
Amsterdam, until 1772, when the Dutch Church of this coun- 
try, established an independant classis and synods ou the 
model of the Church in Holland. 

Each town had its own consistory, but the whole constitu- 
ted but one church. Their ministers were colleagues, preach- 
ed in turn in all the churches, and were supported by a com- 
mon contribution. 

The first house for public worship that was erected by the 
Dutch, was built in New Amsterdam 1642. 

December 17, 1654, The Governor who seems to have ex- 
ercised supreme power in ecclesiastical, as well as civil and 
military affairs, ordered a house for public worship, to be 
erected at Flatbush, 60 feet in length, 38 in breadth, and 14 
feet in height below the beams. 

February 9, 1655 The Governor ordered the people of 
Brooklyn and Amersfort, to assist the people of Midwout, or 
Flalbush;^ia cutting timber to build the house. 



2b 

In September 1600, Those who had the charge of the build- 
ing, stated that it had cost 4637 guilders, of whicli sum 3437 
had been collected in New Amsterdam, Fort Orange, and on 
Long-Island. The Governor added 400 more, and there re- 
mained 800 to be raised to discharge the debt. 

The next house for public worship was commerced at Flat 
lands in 1663, and one * T nliiyu m looO. 

October 13 Iv/;j4, i'he Rev. Joannes Theodorus Polhe- 
mus, was by the Dutch Governor permitted to preach at Mid- 
wout, and Amersfort. 

In March 1656, To accomodate the four villages, Graves- 
end, Amersfort, Midwout, and Brooklyn. The Dutch Gover- 
nor ordered Mr. Polhemus to preach every Sunday morning at 
Midwout, and in the afternoon alternately, at Amersfort and 
Brooklyn. 

In 1660, The Rev. Henericus Selwyn was installed at 
Brooklyn, by order of the Dutch Governor, at a salary of 
600 guilders a year, one half to be paid by Brooklyn, and 
the other half by Fatherland or Holland. Mr. Selwyn re- 
sided in New Amsterdam, and in 1662, the people J of Brook- 
lyn petitioned the Governor, that he should be required to re- 
side among them. To lighten their burdens, the Governor 
agreed to pay 250 guilders of his salary, on condition that 
he should preach at the Bowery every Sunday evening. 

It is said that Mr. Selwyn went to Holland, m 1664 ; if that 
was the case, he must have returned to New-York some time 
afterwards, as he was a minister there from 1682 to 1700. 

The regular record of baptisms in the Dutch towns, com- 
menced in 1660. 

From a manuscript of the Rev. Peter Lowe deceased, it 
appears that the succeeding ministers in the Dutch churches 
on Long-Island settled before 1800, were as follows: 

> 

Joannes Megapolensis, 

Casperus Van Zuren. 

Mr. Clark, 

William Lupardus, 

Barnard Freeman, 

Vicentius Antonidec, 

Joannes Arondius, 

Anthony Curtenius, 

Ulpianus Van Sinderen, 

John Caspar Rubel, 

Martinius Schoonmaker, 

Peter Lowe, 



ctiled. 


Died or removed 




1668 




1677 




1695 




1700 


1702 


1741 


1715 


1744 




1742 


1730 


1756 


1747 


1796 


1760 


1797 


1785 


1824 


1787 


died 1818 



Settled 


died 


removed 


1805 




1825 


1809 






1811 


1824 , 




1809 




1820 


1822 







29 

Since 1800, the ministers who have settled in the Dutch 
churches have been confined to the parti cVn- conirref^ation 
in which the}' were settled The ministers settled since that 
time, are as follows ; 

Brooklyn, Selah S. WoodhuU, 
Utrecht, John Beattie, 
Bushwick, John Bassett, 
Flatbush, Walter Montieth, 
do. Thomas M. Strong, 

A Dutch church was erected in Jamaica in 1715, in New- 
town shortly after, in North Hempstead and Oysterbay 1732, 
or thereabouts. These churches seem to have been supplied 
by the ministers of Kings county till 1750. From that period 
they were united under their own ministers, who preached in 
common among them till 1802, since which time Jamaica and 
Newtown have formed one connexion, and North Hempstead 
and Oysterbay another. 

Thomas Romeyn, 1750 ^ 

BoUan, 1770 | 

Freleigh, 1774 )- For the four churches. 

Van Ness, 1784 | 

Zachariah Cooper, 1784 J 

Joel Schoonmaker, 1802 Jamaica and JVewtown. 

Mr. Cooper, from 1802, to 1812, JV. Hempstead &f Oysterbay 
David Bogert, 1812 ., do. 

Most of the early Dutch ministers that were settled on the 
Island, were born and educated in Holland, and some of them 
were distinguished for their talents and learning. 

Mr. Selwyn, who was the first minister of Brooklyn, and 
who was afterwards settled in New-York, prefixed a latin 
poem to Cotton Matther's " Magnalia Christi Americana" 
bearing date October 16, 1G97, and signed Henericus Selwyn 
<^'Ecclesiae Eboracensis Minister Belgicus." 

Mr. Freeman left a volume of sermons which are in the 
hands of his descendants, but as they are in the Dutch lan- 
guage their merit is not generally known. 

If there are any productions of the other Dutch ministers 
on Long-Island, they are probably in the Dutch language, 
and no longer read. 

Of the English Towns. 
The original settlers of the several Towns in Suffolk coun- 
ty, and the greater number of the first settlers of the English 
♦own!; in the Dutch territory, were .united in their religious 



30 

opinions. They were uniform in their adherence to the doc- 
trines contained in the confession of faith, agreed on by the 
Assembly of Divines who n et at Westminster in 1642. — 
They also accorded with each other on the subject of church 
government. Th< constitution of the churches in the several 
towns was originally congrej.'^ational, and so continued until 
1747, when the greater numUer were prevailed on to ex- 
change the congregatifmal form, for that of the Presbyterian, 
which they were taught to believe to be better adapted to sup- 
port puiity of doctrine, and an efficient discipline.^ 

In most of the towns in Suffolk county and in Hempstead, 
a Minister acccompanied the first settlers, and a church was 
orgaiiized among them, eithei before or soon after the com- 
mencement of their respective settlements. 

In most, if not in every town, a dwelling-house was erected 
and lands set apart as a parsonage for the use of the ministry. 
The Minister of each town was allowed the use of the parson- 
age, with the addition of a salary payable in produce or 
money. It is probable that the amount of the salary was 
regulated by the value of the parsonage. In 1659 the salary 
of the minister of East Hampton was £60 a year. I41 1663, 
the salary of the Minister of Jamaica was £60. In 1680, that 
of the Minister of South Hampton was £100, and in 1682, 
that of the Minister of Hempstead was £66 14. 

A house for public worship was erected in South Hampton, 
and probably in South Old, previous to the year 1645, and 
these were the first houses that were erected for public wor- 
ship on the Island. 

A house for public worship was erected in Hempstead 
probably before 1650, in East Hampton in 1651, in Jamaica 
in 1662, and in Huntington in 1665. 

The first houses that were erected for public worship in the 
several towns were not large. The difficulty of procuring ma- 
terials limited them in the construction of the buildings to the 
accommodation of the respective societies, at the time they 
were erected. 

The house erected in Jamaica in 1662, was 36 feet in length, 
26 in breath, and 17 feet high. The second house erected 
in Hempstead in 1677, was 40 feet in length, 26 in breadth, 
and I2feethigh. The one erected in Brookhaven in 1671, 
was 28 feet square. 

* Thp experience of Europe since the reformation, proves that tliat constitution of 
church government wliich embraces different churches, pofesfing the same doctrines, 
under the same superintending juripdiction, has contributed much more to preserve 
purity and unity in doctrine, tlian that which left every coDgregation to adopt its owu 
'•reeJ, and to prescribe its ov,-n dif eipline. 



31 

At this early period, the houses of public worship were 
without the accommodation of bells, and in several of the 
towns, if not in all. the people employed a person to beat a 
drum to apprize them of the time of public worship. 

In 1662, The town of Jamaica agreed to give a person 30 s. 
a year for beating a drum on the Sabbath day, and similar 
contracts were made in other towns, and the practice proba- 
bly continued till bells were procured. 

The following is as correct a list of the first Congregational 
or Presbyterian Ministers, and their successors in the several 
English toivns on Long-Island, as could be obtained. 



Names. 



Where ^^'^T" 

educated. S^^^" 
ated. 


1 


1 ? 
1 .- 


|Re 

[mov 
1 ed 


-.' Remarks. 


England, 




1640 


1672 




aged 74 


Harvard, 


1650 


1674 


1716 




aged 88 


Yale, 


1709 


17.0 




1736 


or thereabout*;. 


do. 


1732 


1738 




1746 




do. 


174.3 


1748 


1758 




aged 36. 


do. 


1756 


1763 
1797 




1787 
1806 




do. 


1804 


1807 








England, 




1640 




1644 


removed to Branford, ^ 


England, 




1648 


1674 




[in 1665 to Newark. 


Harvard, 


1669 


1680 


1682 




aged 31. 


do. 


1661 


1682 


1723 




:>ged 82. 


do. 


!7.!2 


nz7 


1782 




aged 79. 


do. 


i7ao 


1784 




1790 




Rliode-lsand, 


1788 


1791 




1795 




Columbia, 


1790 


1706 
1813 
1320 




1812 
1818 




England, 




1648 


1696 






Harvard, 


169::! 


1699 


1753 




in bis 78th yeai'. 


Vale, 


1741 


174'- 


1798 




aged 82. 


do. 


1797 


1799 
1811 




1810 




England, 




1653 




1070 


removed to Newtowrjj 


do. 




1677 


1730 




or thereabouts. 


Vale, 


1718 


1723 


1779 






Nassau, 


1703 


1766 




1773 


a colleague of Mr. Prime 


Yale, 


177^ 


1785 




1789 


removed to Newtown. 


Nassau, 


1767 


1794 
1817 




1817 
1823 


removed to Ohio. 


Yale, 


1817 


1824 








England, 




16(0 


1690 






Harvard, 


1636 


1697 


1739 






Vale, 


1741 


1745 


1752 




or thereabout?. 


do. 


1747 


175 J 


17i6 






do. 


1757 


1786 


1796 






Dartmouth, 


1784 


1797 


! 







SOUTHOLD, 
John Voungs , 
.Joshua Hobart, 
Benjamin Woolsey 
James Davenport, 
W'illiam Throop, 
John Storrs, 
Joseph Hazard, 
Jonathan Hunting, 
South Hampton, 
Abraham Pierson, 
Robert Ford ham, 
Joseph Taylor, 
Joseph Whiting, 
Sylvanus White, 
Joshua Williams, 
Harman Dagget, 
David Bogert: 
John M. Babbit, 
Peter H. Shaw, 

East Hampton, 
Thomas James, 
Nathaniel Hunting, 
Samuel Buel, 
Lyman Beecher, 
Ebeneaer Phillips, 

HUNTI.NGTON, 

William Leveridge, 
Eliphalet Jones, 
Ebenener Prime, 
John Close, 
Nathan Woodhull 
William Sclienck, 
Samnel Robinson, 
Nehemiah Biown, 
Brookhave.\, 
Nathaniel Brewster, 
George Phillips, 
David Youngs, 
Benjamin Talmadge, 
Noah Whetraore, 
Zachariali Greene, 



32 



Smithtown, 










Abner Reeve, 


Yale, 


1731 






Napthali Da^get, 


do. 


1748 


1751 




Thomas Lewis, 


do. 


1741 


1763 




Joshua Hart, 


Nassau, 


1770 


1773 




Luther Gleason 






1797 




Henry Fuller, 


Middlebury, 




1816 




Richard NicoU, 






1823 




Hempstead, 










Richard Denton, 


England, 




1643 


1663 


Jeremiah Hobart, 


Harvard, 


1650 


1682 




Joshua Hart, 


Nassau, 


1770 


1772 




Samuel Robinson, 






1812 




Charles Webster, 


Union, 


1813 


1818 




Newtown, 










William LeveriJge, 


England, 




1670 




Jolm Morse, 






1697 




Samuel Pomeroy, 


Nassau, 


1705 


1709 


1744 


Simon Horton, 


do. 


1731 


1746 


1786 


Bay, 






1787 




Nathan Woodliull, 


Yale, 


1775 


1790 


1810 


AS'jUiam Boardman, 






1811 


1818 


John Goldsmith, 


Nassau, 


1815 


1819 




Jamaica, 










Zacbariah Walker, 


England, 




1663 




John Prudden, 


Harvard, 


1668 


1670 




Phillips, 






1694 




John Hnbbard, 




1695 


1698 




George Magnis, 






1712 




Robert Cross, 


Ireland, 




1725 




Walter Wilmot, 


Yale, 


1735 


1738 


1744 


David Bostwick,* 






1745 




Elihu Spencer, 


do. 


1746 


1758 




Benoni Bradner, 


Nassau, 


1755 


1760 




William Mills, 


do. 


1756 


1762 


1773 


Mathias Burnet, 


do. 


1769 


1775 




Glassbrook, 


England, 




1785 




George Faitoute, 


Nassau, 


1776 


1789 


1815 


Henry R. Weed, 


Union, 


1812 


1816 




Seymour P. Funk, 






1823 




Bridge Hampton, 










Ebenezer White, 


Harvard, 


1692 


1695 




James Brown, 


Yale, 


1747 


1748 




Aaron Woolworth, 


do. 


1784 


1787 


1821 


Arazi Francis,* 


Middlebury, 


1819 


1823 




A brief account 


of the fir. 


it J\ 


lini 


sters 



17561 Afterwards President of 
1769 Yale College, died 1780. 



1792 
180e. 
1821 



1696 
1773 
181 



1789 



1668 
1693 
1697 
1702 
1720 
1737 

4756 
1760 
1762 

1784 
1788 

1822 
1825 

1748 
1775 



removed to Fresh Pond. 



or thereabouts, he set- 
[tled at Haddam in 1700 
and died in 1717, 
[aged 87. 



removed to Stratford 

[then to Woodbury. 

removed to Newark. 



removed to Philadelphia, 
* removed to N. Y. died 

[176."? aged 44. 
remov'd to Trenton, 



removed to Nor walk. 



removed to Albanv. 



resigned, died 1756, 

[aged 84. 
in the 58th year of hi? 



immediate successors in the several English towns on Long- 
Island, as far as their history could be ascertained. 

Most of the first Ministers in the sevei'al English towns on 
the Island, were born and educated in England, and most of 
them had been preachers in some part of that country. 

The Rev. John Youngs, the first Minister of South Old, had 
been a Minister at Hingham, in Norfolk, in England. He 
came to New Haven with part of his church in 1640. He 
there re-organized his church, and in October of the same 
year, they, with such as chose to accompany them, pass- 

* The time of settlement and removal of the above Minsters, is generally taken 
from records, and in cases where they could not be procured, or did not furnish the 
iuformation, resort has been had to the best sources of information that could be af- 
forded to supply the defect ; and in a few iustances the time is conjectured from cir- 
cumstancps. 



3:i 

ed over to the Island and formed a settiemeni on a uact ot 
land which had been purchased of the natives by the authority 
of New Haven. They called the town South Old, and be- 
came a branch of the jurisdiction of New Haven. 

Mr. Youngs continued to preacii at Soistii Old llll his death. 
He died in 1772, aged 74 years. 

The posterity of Mr. Youngs still reside in that town. — 
The Rev. Joshua Hobart succeeded Mr. Youngs in 1674. — 
He was a son of the Rev. Peter Hobart, who was educated at 
Cambridge, and preached at Haverhill, and other places in 
England till 1635, when he with his children came over to 
Massachusetts and setded the town of Hingham, where he 
gathered a church and continued a "faithful pastor and an 
;ible preacher," until his death in 1679. He had four sonf 
that became preachers. 

Joshua, born in 162S, graduated at Harvard culltge in 
1650 ; he was settled at South Old in 1674, and continued 
there till his death. He died in 1716, age 88 years. 

The church and congregation sent a messenger to Boston 
to seek " an honest and godly IVlinister," and Jin procuring 
Mr. Hobart, their wishes were realized, and they had the hap- 
piness to enjoy his labours during a long life. 

Some of the posterity of Mr. Hobart, in the feinaie line, 
were not long since still resident in that town. 

The Rev. Abraham Pierson, the first minister of Soutii 
Hampton had been a minister in Yorkshire, in England, and 
came to Boston in 1639. 

Some of the English emigrants who had made a stand at 
Lynn, in Massachusetts, having agreed to form a settlenjent 
on Long-Island, on a tract of land which they had purchased 
of the natives, with the consent of the agent of the Earl of 
Stirling, they chose Mr. Pierson for their Minister. He or- 
ganized a church among them; and they entered into a civil 
combination for the support of order at;d good government. 
In December 1640, they removed to the Island, and com- 
menced the settlement of the town of South Hampton. 

Mr. Pierson continued at South Hampton but a (ew years. 
In 1644, he with a part of his church, left the place and went 
to Branford and settled that town. He probably got some 
knowledge of the Indian language while he remaineiJ at South 
Hampton. After his settlement at Branford, he was em- 
ployed by the society, " for propagating the gospel among the 
Indians in New England," which was established in 1649. Ut 
instruct the Indians in those par(s 



34 

In the accounts ot the society for 1662, £30 are allowed Co 
Mr. Pierson for his pains and travel, in instructing tlie Indi- 
ans in Connecticut. It is stated that he composed a cate- 
chism in some one of the Indian dialects, to facilitate their im- 
provement. 

In J 659, he attended a meeting held at Roxbury in Mas- 
sachusetts, for the purpose of witnessing the success of Mr. 
Eliot's labours among the Indians, and assisted in examining 
the Indian converts in their own language. 

Mr. Pierson removed to Newark in New Jersey, in 1665; 
he probably accompanied the first settlers of that town. He 
is represented by Cotton Mather, as an able and fervent 
preacher, and as a pious and prudent man. 

Mr. Pierson left a son of the same name, who graduated at 
Harvard in 1668 ; he settled at Killingsworth in Connecticut, 
J694; he was made rector or president of Yale College ii 
1701, and occupied that station till his death in 1707. Mr. 
Pierson left other posterity, whose descendants reside in the 
states of New Jersey, New York, and Connecticut. 

The Rev. Robert Fordham succeeded Mr. Pi<frson in the 
ministry at South Hampton. He visited the town in 1648, 
and accepted an invitation to become their Minister, but his 
salary did not commence, nor is it probable that he began 
his stated labours there, until the first of April 1649. 

Mr. Fordham came from England, and it is related by 
Johnson in his " wonder working providence," that he first 
went to the west part of the Island, (probably to Hempstead) 
in company with Mr. Denton, but liad not settled at any 
place when he received the invitation of the people of South 
Hampton. Mr. Fordham continued the Minister of South 
Hampton till his death in 1674. 

From the inventory of his property on record, it appears 
that he possessed a considerable estate, and the value of his 
library indicates that he was a man of learning, as well a.s 
piety. His posterity still reside in South Hampton. 

The Rev. Joseph Taylor succeeded Mr. Fordham in March 
1680, and died in April 1682. The invitation to him with 
a single exception was unanimous, which is a decisive proof 
that he must have been in great esteem with the people of 
that town ; but little is known of his history. 

The Rev, Joseph Whiting was invited to South Hampton 
in June 1782, and probably accepted the invitation, and set- 
tled there a short time afterwards. Mr. Whiting was the 
youngest son of the Rev. Samuel Whiting, who was a distin- 
guished preacher in Norfolk, in England, came over to Bos- 



hHi ill 1636, and settled at, Lynn, where he coiiumied till h'l^ 
death in 1679. He had three sons who were ministers. IMr. 
Joseph Whiting, the youngest, graduated at Harvard in 1 661 ; 
he studied theology with his father, and for many years as- 
sisted him in the ministry. Mr. Whiting continued the Min- 
ister of South Hampton till his death in April 1723, in the 
82d year of his age. Mr. Whiting was a close student, and 
devoted himseli" wholly to the duties of his sacred function. — 
Cotton Mather, in his Magnalia written in 1697, in his ac- 
count of the family says, "Joseph is at this day a worthy and 
painful Minister of the Gospel at South Hampton, on Long- 
Island." 

There is a tradition among some of the elderly people of 
South Hampton, that he so abstracted himself from the care 
of all temporal concerns, that he was ignorant of liie number 
or nature of iiis own stock. Mr. Whiting left a son, the Rev. 
John Whiting, who graduated at Harvard in 1700, settled at 
Concord in 1712, and died in 1752, aged 71 ; his posterity 
reside in Concord. It is not known that Mr. Whiting has any 
posterity on the Island. 

The Rev. Richard Denton was the first Minister of Hemp- 
stead. He had been a Minister in Halifax in England ; he 
came over to Watertown between 1630 and 1635. In 1635, 
he vnth some who had joined the church there, under the 
charge of the Rev. George Phillips, and others; emigrated to 
Connecticut, and commenced the settlement of Wcathersfield. 
Mr. Denton with some part of the people of Weathersfield in 
1641 removed to Stamford, and in 1643 he, with part of his 
church and congregation, removed to Hempstead, on Long- 
Island, and settled on a tract of land which they had purchas- 
ed of the Indians, and for which they received a patent from 
the Dutch, who exercised jurisdiction over that part of tho 
Island. 

Matthew Mitchel, Thomas Rayner, Andrew Ward, Robert 
Coe, and Richard Gildersleve, were some of the leading- men 
who accompanied Mr. Denton. 

Mr. Denton continued the Minister of Hempstead till his 
death in 1663; he is represented by Cotton Mather as an able 
preacher, and an excellent man. He states that Mr, Denton 
left a manuscript system of divinity, entitled, " Soliloquia 
sacra," which was well spoken of by those who bad seen it. 

The Rev. Jeremiah Kobart settled at Hempstead in 1682.* 

*It is probable that the people of Hempstead employed a Minister after tlie death 
of Mr. DentoD, before the settlement of Mr. Hobart; but no record.? have been found 
that throw any lighten the siibjpct. 



He nas the son ot'the Rev. Peter Hobart otHinghani Massa- 
chusetts, and brother of Mr. Joshua Hobart of Southold. He 
was born in England in 1G30, and came over a child in JG35. 
he graduated at Harvard in 1650 ; he continued at Hemp- 
stead till 1G96 or tiiereabouts, when he removed to Haddam, 
in Connecticut, where he was installed in 1700, and preached 
till his death; he died in 1717, aged 87 years. 

The Rev. Thomas Jdmes was the first minister of East 
Hampton. He came from England, before he had finished 
his studies, and completed them with some of the ministers who 
at that time adorned the churches of New England. He ac- 
companied the first settlers of Easthampton in 1648, who had 
it. is presumed, previously agreed with him, to become their 
minister. They had probably formed themselves into a 
church before they left the main, and in 1655 they entered into 
a civil combination, for the support of good government among 
themselves. 

Mr. James was employed to instruct the Indians on the 
Island; and unless Mr. Pierson of Sooth Hampton made some 
attempts of this nature during his short sta}^ on the Island, 
he was the first who undertook that business. In the accounts 
of the society for propagating the Gospel among the Indians 
in New England for 1662, there is an allowance of £20 
to Mr. James of East Hampton, " for his salary for instruct- 
ing the Indians at Long-Island." 

Mr. James seems to have been an active man and well ac- 
quanted with business ; he was frequently associated with the 
magistrates in the discharge of difficult duties on behalf of 
the town. 

Mr. James continued at East Hampton till his death in 
1696. He ordered his body to be laid in a position contrary 
to that of his people, and he was buried in that manner. 

There is very little known of his ministerial character, but 
sufficient indications of it in the records of the town to 
I'vince that he was a faithful preacher and prudent man. It is 
not known that. Mr. James left any posterity. 

The Rev, Nathaniel Hunting succeeded Mr. James in the 
ministry at East Hampton. Mr. Hunting was born in Bos- 
ton; he graduated at Harvard in 1693; he came to East 
Hampton in 1696, and assisted Mr. James a few years before 
his death, and was ordained the minister of East Hampton, 
September 1699, and continued the sole minister of that place 
till 1746, when the Rev. Samuel Buell was called to assist 
him on account of his age and infirmities. Mr. Hunting died 
in 1753. 



The ciiaracter of Mr. Hunting is thus drawn by the Rev. 
Lyman Beecher, one of his successors in the ministry in East 
Hampton, in a sermon preached at East Hampton in 1806. 

•'Mr. Hunting was a man of a strong and distinguishing 
mind, firm and independent without rashness and obstinacy. 
He was a hard student, an accurate scholar, and of extensive 
theological reading ; his sermons of which more than one 
hundred volumes are now extant in manuscript, are written 
in a close and nervous style. They are the result of careful 
study ; are written with great particularity, and critical accu- 
racy, abound with scripture references, and references to the 
most approved authors and commentators. They inculcate 
abundantly the depravity of human nature, the necessity of 
regeneration, the agency of God and his sovereignty in this 
work, tlie insufficiency of works to justify, and that we are 
justified by faith only." 

It is not known that Mr. Hunting ever published any of 
his sermons, nor is it known that he wrote on any other sub- 
ject; his manuscripts are in the hands of the representatives 
of his grandson, the late Col. Benjamin Hunting of South 
Hampton. 

Mr. Hunting left five sons and one daughter. Three of his 
sons became farmers, two of them settled in East Hampton, 
and one of them in South Hampton. Two of his sons, Jona- 
than and Edward, received a liberal education. The first 
studied divinity and preached some time at East Hartford in 
Connecticut; became to East Hampton in 1750 and died, 
aged 36 years. The second studied physic, and settled also 
in East Hartford ; he died in 1745, aged 45 years ; his daugh- 
ter married a Mr. Coit, of New London. 

The several families of Huntings in East Hampton and 
South Hampton, and the Rev. Jonathan Hunting, the present 
minister of South Old, are descendants of Mr. Hunting. 

The Rev. William Leveridge, first minister of Huntington, 
came from England to Pisquataqua, in 1633; but not having 
sufficient encouragement to rem i in there, he shortly after 
his arrival, removed to Sandwich, in Plymouth colony, where 
he continued some years ; he accompanied the people who 
made the first settlements at Huntington and Oysterbav, who 
seem to have composed one compan\', or to have arrived 
nearly at the same time. The Indian deed for Oysterbav, 
was executed to Mr. Leveridge, Samuel Mayo, and Peter 
Wright in 1653, and that for Huntington, to Richard Hould- 
brook, Robert Williams, and Daniel Whithead the same year. 

Mr. Leveridge settled at Huntington ; he is mentioned as 



:i8 

The Minister ot' that place, in the earliest records of tlie town. 
He continued there till 1670, when he removerl to Newtown, 
and was the first Minister of that town. He remained at 
Newtown till his death, the date of which is not precisely 
known. He is characterized by Huhbard, in his history of 
New Engir'iid,as '' an able and worthy Miniit r." 

In one ofthe books among the town records of Newtown, 
there is a commentary on a large part of the old testament, 
which is presumed to have been made by him ; if so. it is evi- 
dent that he was a learned, as well as pious Minister. Some 
of Mr. Leveridge's posterity still reside in Newtown, and rank 
among the most respectable people in the town. 

The Rev. Eliphalet Jones succeeded Mr. Leveridge in 
Huntington in 1677. Mr. Jones was from England; it is 
supposed that he preached at Fairfield and Greenwich some 
years as a missionary, before his settlement at Huntington. 

In 1664, he seems to have spent some time at Huntington. 
The people of that town appointed two men to make a rate 
for him, and to provide for his comfort while he remained 
among them. 

In 1669. the people of Jamaica voted to send a messenger 
to Greenwich, to give him an invitation to visit that town in 
order to his settlement as their minister. 

Mr. Jones declined the invitation of the people of Hunt- 
ington, until he put the question himself to the people, when 
with a single exception they were unanimous in favour of his 
settlement. 

Mr. Jones was the sole minister of Huntington, from 1677. 
until J 723 a period of 46 years, when on account of his age 
and infirmities, the people of Huntington settled Ebenezer 
Prime as a colleague with him. 

At the time of Mr. Prime's settlement, the church consisted 
of forty-three members. Mr. Jones lived some years after 
this period, perhaps till 1730, or afterwards. 

It appears he was a man of great purity and simplicity of 
manners, and was a faithful and succcessful preacher. He gave 
the charge to Mr. Prime at his ordination, with which he was 
so much pleased, that he entered it on the chuich records, and 
this with the skeleton or outline of a single sermon, found 
among the Town records, are the only productions of Mr. 
Jones that have been discovered. It is not known that he left 
any posterity. 

The Kev. Nathaniel Brewster was the first minister of 
Brookhaven. He is supposed to have arrived there a few 



3I» 

years after thelii'st settiemtnt of the town in 1655. He is meu- 
tioned as an inhabitant in 1669, and was probably there as 
early as 1660. He continued the minister of Brookha- 
ven, till his death in 1690. 

It is not ascertained with certainty from whence Mr. Brew- 
ster came. The tradition of the family is, that he was a 
nephew of elder William Brewster of Plymouth, that he was 
born and educated in England, that he came over to his Un- 
cle at Plymouth about the lime the settlements were commenc- 
ing on Long-Island, and that by the advice of his Uncle he 
came on the Island and settled at Brookhaven. 

There are very few particulars known of Mr Brewster. — 
He left three sons, John, Timothy, and Daniel, to whom he 
left a considerable estate, from whom the Brewsters on Long- 
Island and in Orange county are descended. 

The Rev. George Phillips succeeded Mr. Brewster, in 1697, 
and for some time preached a part of the time at Smith 
Town. Mr. Phillips was the son of the Rev. Samuel Phillips, 
of Rowley, in Massachusetts, and a grandson of the Rev. 
George Phdlips, who preached at Boxford, in Essex, in Eng- 
land, before he came to this country, and came over with 
Gov. Winthrop to Boston in 1630, and settled at Watertovvn, 
where he continued eminently useful to the time of his death 
in 1644. The Father of Mr. Phillips, the Rev. Samuel 
Phillips of Rowley, died in 1696, aged 71. He left a number 
of children among whom vere Samuel, John, and George; 
one of the two first is said to have been a Goldsmith and 
settled at Salem. His son Samuel was the first Minister of An- 
dover, he died in 1771 in the S2d year of his age. His grand- 
son Samuel, was the founder of the Andover Academy, he 
died in 1790, aged 76. His grandson John Phillips was the 
founder of the Exeter Academy in New Hampshire, he died 
1795, aged 76 ; and his great grandson Samuel, was the 
late Lieut. Governor of Massachusetts; he died in 1802, 
aged 50 years. 

The Rev. George Phillips, was born in 1664, graduated at 
Harvard College 1686. It is supposed that he preached at 
Jamaica a few years before he settled at Brookhaven. He 
settled in that town in 1697, and continued the minister there, 
till his death in 1739, aged 75. 

Mr. Phillips was distinguished for a peculiar vein of natural 
wit. His ordinary discourse was tinctured with this peculiar- 
it}', and tradition has preserved many of his speeches that 
exemplify it. 



40 

Mr. Phillips seems to have been a faithful preacher. He 
not only served his own church and congregation, but'preach- 
ed lectures in destitute congregations; he left three sons, and 
three daughters. The Rev. Ebenezer Phillips of East Hamp- 
ton, William Phillips, Esq. of Brookhaven, and George S. 
Phillips. Esq. of Smith Town, are his only male descendants on 
Long-Island. The Phillips family in Orange county, and 
some of the name in New Jersey, are his descendants. 

The Rev. Zachariah Walker was the first minister at Ja- 
maica. Mr. Walker probably came from England before he 
was ordained, and preached at Jamaica as a licentiate. He 
came to Jamaica in 1663, and removed to Stratford in 1668, 
where he was ordained. He removed from Stratford to 
Woodbury in 1670. 

The Rev. John Prudden succeeded Mr. Walker at Jamaica 
in 1670. Mr. Prudden is supposed to have been a son of the 
Rev. Peter Prudden, who came to New Haven in company 
with the celebrated Minister John Davenport, and settled at 
Milford in 1639. 

Mr. Prudden grad'iatcd at harvard College in 1668. He 
con'iiiued the Minister of Jamaica until 1693, when he left 
that town, and it is supposed that he removed to Newark and 
settled there. 

The Rev. Abner Reeve was the first minister that we have 
any account of, who preached at Smith Town. It is said 
that he preached at Smith Town, West Hampton, the Fire 
Place, Islip, and Huntington South ; but it is not known that 
be was settled at either place. It is supposed that he remov- 
ed from Long-Island to Blooming-Grove in Orange county, 
and from there to Brattleborough in Vermont. Very little is 
known of Mr. Reeve ; he graduated at Yale College in 1731. 
It is said that the late Judge Reeve of Litchfield in Connec- 
ticut, was his son. 

The Rev. Napthali Dagget settled at Smithtown in 1751. 
Mr. Dagget came from Attleborough in Massachusetts. He 
graduated at Yale College in 1748, he remained at Smith 
Town till 1756, when he received an invitation from the Trus- 
tees of Yale College to the professorship of divinity in that 
institution, which he accepted. After the death of the Rev. 
Thomas Clapp in 1766, Mr. Dagget officiated as President 
till 1777, when he resigned his office. He died in 1780. 

The British troops in their incendiary expedition against 
the several maritime towns of Connecticut, among other enor- 
mities that stained that transaction with infamy, after having 
taken Mr. Dagget and others prisoners, wantonly and most 



41 

shamefuily beat and iiisulteU hiiu. IMr. Dagget was a goac 
classical scholar and learned divine. 

Of the Episcopal Church on Ltong-lsland. 

There was not an Episcopal cliurch, or an Episcopal Min- 
ister in the colony of" New-York, atthe time of the conquest m 
1&64, and if ti)ere were any Episcopalians amonj^ the inhab- 
itants, the number must have been very small. The inhabit- 
ants either belonged to the Dutch reformed church, or were 
English non-conformists. 

While the colony was under the government of the Duke 
of York, the Catholics were encouraged, and very few Episco- 
pal families emigrated to the colon}'. 

After the revolution in 1688, the Governors and usually 
most of the members of the council were Episcopalians, and 
the patronage of the government was almost exclusivelv con- 
iined to those who were of that persuasion. This held out, a 
strong inducement to emigration to people of tiiat denomin- 
ation. 

The Episcopal population was for some time pretty miich 
confined to the city of New-York, and the first Episcopal 
church was erected there in 1690. 

Although the statutes of uniformity did not extend to the 
colonies, and although the religious constitution of the colon \ 
was a perfect equality among protestants of ail deuoniina- 
tions, yet the colony Governors struggled to give some legal 
ascendency to the Episcopalians over other denominations. 
They incorporated their churches, which they refused to the 
Presbyterians. They obstructed the Presbyterian Ministers 
who came into the colony in the exercise of their functions, 
and under pretence of ecclesiastical authorit}', required them 
to apply to them for a license to preach. !n 1707, Lord 
Cornbury tyrannically and illegally imprisoned two Presbvte- 
rian Ministers, and on some sucli pretence subjected one of 
them to great vexation and expense. 

They were incessant in their application to the assembly 
for the establishment of a revenue for the support of (he Epis- 
copal clergy until they worried the assembly m some measure 
into a compliance with their wishes. 

In 1693, the colonial assembly, subdued by the importunitv 
of Governor Flefcher, passed an act for the settlement of Min- 
ters, and raising a maintenance for them in the city of New- 
\ork, and in the counties of Westchester, Richmond, and 
Queens. 



4l» 

It is -apparent Iroin the language of tl-e act, as weli as iroiu 
the history of the times, tliat it was not the intention of the 
assembly, (the greater part of whom were of other denomina- 
tions) to confine the benefit of the stipend exclusively to Epis- 
copal Ministers, and some efforts were made to give the act a 
general operation. In 1695, the assembly resolved that the 
l3cnefit of the act extended to dissenting protestant Ministers, 
but the Governor rejected that «;onstruction, and applied it 
solely to the Episcopal clergy, who continued to engross the 
benefit of it till the revolution. 

By this act, Queens county was divided into two precincts, 
Hempstead and Jamaica. The precinct of Hempstead com- 
prised the towns of Hempstead and Oysterbay, and the pre- 
cinct of Jamaica comprehended the towns of Jamaica, Flush- 
ing and Newtown ; and each precinct was required to raise 
£60 b}- a general tax on all the freeholders, for the support of 
the ministry. 

There were at this time but a few families of Episcopalians 
in the several towns of Queens county, and it was deemed a 
grievance, that the great mass of the people should be obliged 
to contribute to the support of Ministers of another church. 

In 1773 the people of Jamaica refused to pay the stipend to 
the Episcopal Minister, and made an appeal to the court of 
Chancery to be relieved from the burden, but it does not ap- 
pear that they obtained any redress before the revolution re- 
lieved them. 

There was no authority in the colonies that could, by the 
constitution of the Episcopal church, confer the ministerial 
office. The first Episcopal Ministers that came to this coun- 
try, had been ordained by the bishops in England, and were 
gent out as missionaries by the society for propagating the gos- 
pel in foreign parts.* 

The ecclesiastical concerns of the colonies were committed 
to the care of the Bishop of London. The native colonists 
who wished to take orders in the Episcopal church, were 
obliged to go to England for them, and this continued to be 
the case until the revolution. 

* In 1762, there were 67 Episcopal missionaries in tiiose parts of IN'orth America, 
which now compose the United Stales, to wit. In Connecticut i6, in New- York 10. 
jn Pennsylvania 9, in JVlassachusetts 8, in New Jersey, 8, in North Carolina 5, io 
SouUi Carolina 4, in Rhode Island 4, in Georgia 2, and in New Hampshire J. 

In 1773 the population of the colony of Ncw-Vork was estimated at 150,000, ar'l 
not more tlian one fifteentli part of it was supposed to be composed of Episcopaliari? 

At that lime there were twenty-one Episcopal churches in the colony supplied by 
H9 many missionaries ; most of them were very small, none but those in the city of 
New-York, and perhaps Queens county, wero at that time able to support thrir min- 



4:5 

Some titue previous to that event, some efforts were made 
to have Bishops sent to this country, but it was opposed b}- 
other denominations under an apprehension that the measure 
would lead to the establishment of the Episcopal church, with 
the same prerogatives over other denominations with which 
it was invested in England. An ecclesiastical establishment, 
could only be effected by an act of Parliament, and an admis- 
sion of the power of Parliament, to do this, would have involved 
an admission, that parliament possessed a power over the col- 
onies, incompatible with the security of life, liberty, property, 
and religion. 

The exclusion of any connexion between church and state, 
and the equality of religious privileges, secured to all denom- 
inations of christians by the constitutions of the several states, 
precluded all objection to the introduction of Bishops into 
''he United States after the revolution. 

The Rev. Samuel Seabury of Connecticut in 1784, and the 
Rev. Samuel Provost of New-York, and the Rev. William 
White of Pennsylvania, in 1785 visited Great Britain, and 
were consecrated Bishops of the Episcopal church in those 
jtates respectively. 

The consecration of these Bishops furnished the number 
necessary by the rules of the Episcopal church, to confer the 
Episcopal office, and they shortly after consecrated other 
Bishops for other states, and since that period the Episcopal 
church in the United States has been supplied with subordi- 
nate officers in each diocess, by ordinations by the Riijjop of 
the diocess. 

In 1789, the Bishops, clergy, and the representatives of the 
laity, of the Episcopal church, in the United States, met ia 
convention, and made such alterations in the constitution 
of the Episcopal church as established in England, as renders 
it more conformable to our polititical institutions. 

islers without the aid of the tax, or of contributions from the society for propagatimir 
the Gospel jn foreign parts, and all received some support from the society. 

The state of the different sects of religion in tlie colony of New- York, in an estimate 
fornied for that year, was as follows ; 

Minister;^. Vacant Congregations. 

Presbyterian, 48 15 

Dutch Reformed, 2:5 21 

Episcopalian, 21 

Quakers, IT 

Anabaptists, 1" 4 

Moravian, it 

Lutheran, :> JO 

Congregational, '2. 

All the frontier settlements not orgacized info churches, wove composed of Presf,,- 
■priaDs and C'oneregatinnnlist?. 



u 

The first seiilers of ti:e town ot" Hempstead were iudepeii' 
ilents and had successively settled two congregational Minis- 
ters. They had appropriated lands for the support of the Gos- 
pel which those Aliiiisters liad enjoyed, and had erected a 
house for public worslnp in which they had officiated. 

Mr. Hohart, the last of those ministers, had left the town 
about the year 1795, and tlie people were some years without 
a minister of any denomination. 

The new generation that had sprung up since the first set- 
tlement of the town, seem to have had no predilection for the 
peculiar tenets of their ancestors. 

In t701, some of the inhabitants petitioned the society for 
the propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts, to send them a 
minister. 

In 1704, the Rev. John Thomas arrived among them as a 
^Missionary from tiie said society. 

Mr. Thomas, immediately commenced his Ministerial la- 
bours at that place, and continued there during his life time. 

Mr. Thomas died in 1724, and was succeeeded by tiie Rev. 
Tiiomas Jenny, with whom the regular records of the Church 
commence. 

Mr. Thomas and his. successor performed their Ministerial 
duties in a house which had been erected for the use of the 
congregational Ministers, v.ithout opposition or complaint.^ 

ft would seem that most of the people were in a short time 
reconciled to the discipline, rites, and ceremonies of the Epis- 
copal Church, by the zeal and prudence of Mr. Thomas and 
Mr. Jenny. 

The public lands being under the control of the majority of 
the people, as soon as they joined the Episcopal Church, fell 
into the hands of the Episcopal Ministers. 

In 1734, they erected a new Church, and the next year a 
royal charter was obtained, whereby the freeholders and in- 
habitants of said town who were in communion with (he Church 
of England, were"" incorporated and constituted a parish by 
the " name and style of St. George's Church, Hempstead," 
snd whereby the house then built, together with half an acre 
of common land whereon It stood, and on which the present 
parsonage house now stands, were granted to them. 

In 1803, a house for public worship was erected by the 
Episcopalians in North Hempstead, and was consecrated by 
the name and style of Christ Church, but tliey continued in 
union with the people of Hempstead till 1819, when they be- 
came a separate and distinct congregation. 

The introduction of the Episcopal Church in Jamaica, was 
attended with more difficulty. 



45 

The people of Jamaica were still generally Presbyterians 
or Independents. 

In 1676, they set apart a tract of laud and meadow for a 
parsonage, which they voted should continue " at the disposal 
of the town." 

In 1700, ihey erected a stone edifice for public worship by 
subscription without restricting the use of it to any particular 
denoiuination. 

In 1702, Governor Cornbury, in consequence of a great 
sickness in New- York, removed to Jamaica ; and to accommo- 
date him, Mr. Hubbard the Presbyterian Minister gave up to 
him the use of the parsonage house while he remained there. 

During the time the Governor was at Jamaica, the Episco- 
palians got possession of the meeting house, and refused the 
use of it to the Presbyterians, and the Governor on his return 
to New-York gave them possession of the parsonage house. 

The Presbyterians were anxious to regain the property 
which they considered had been unjustly wrested from them, 
and the Episcopalians were determined to retain what they 
supposed the law would protect them in holding.* 

These conflicting claims continued to interrupt the harmony 
of the town nearly thirty years. After much heat and contro- 
versy and several unsuccessful law suits, the Episcopalians 
abandoned the contest, and in 1734 erected a house themselves 
for public worship, which in 1761 was incorporated by Lieu- 
tenant Governor Golden, by the name and st\le of Grace 
Church. In 1737, when the seats of the new Church were 
disposed of, the congregation consisted of twenty-four fa- 
milies. 

This unpleasant contest, so contrary to the catholic spirit 
that now characterizes the different denominations ofchristians, 
is to be ascribed to the temper of the times, and was probably 
fostered if not excited by the bigotry of the Governor. 

* la 1669, the people of^Jamnica appoinleil certain persons torirciilate a subscription 
to see what people woulil freely give towards building a new meeting house. 

February 6th, 1710, the town appointed three men to demand the key of the stone 
meeting house, from tiie person in whose possession it was, and to keep the house for 
the town. 

April 17:^:5, the town appointed three men to take possession of the town parsonage 
lot and other land connected with it, until the town should reiall it. 

January 2d, 172i, after stating that Mi Poyer tlie Episcopal Minister had failed in 
several ejectment suits, which hf had bi ^i.-^Ul against the tenants of the p.irsonage 
land. The town voted that the same should be delivered into the possession of Robert 
Cross their Minister. Mr. Poyer, Justice Betls, Justice Oldfieldand Richard Combs, 
entered their protest against the said vote. 

February 26th, 17'.^7. the town assigned the stone meeting house and the land on 
which it stood, then in the occupation of Mr. Thomas Poyer, to three of the surviving 
trustees who built it , to take possession of it for the town. Extracts from thetown re- 
cords. 



46 

St. George's church at Flushing, and St. Janoes' Cliurcli at 
Newtown, were built shortly after the one at Jamaica, and the 
same Minister officiated one third of the time in eaci), until the 
year 1797. 

In 1797, Newtown separated from the other towns, and em- 
ployed Mr Van Dyke as their Minister. 

In 1802, Newtown :ind Flushing united in the settlement of 
a Minister, and in 1812 they separated, since which time each 
town has had its own Minister. 

The several Episcopal Churches on the Island were erected 
at the times, and consecrated by the names and titles following: 
In Brookhaven, Caroline Churcl), 1730 

In Hempstead, St. George's Church, 1734 

In Jamaica, Grace Church, do. 

In Newiown, St. James' Church, do. ^ or shortly 

Jn Flushing, St. George's Church, do. ) after, 

In Huntington, St. John's Church, 1766 

In Islip, St. John's Church, 1784, or thereabouts, 

In Brooklyn, St. Ann's Church, 1787. 

All these Churches have undergone repairs, and several of 
them have been rebuilt. New and elegant Churches were erect- 
ed in Hempstead and Jamaica in 1822, and in Brooklyn in 
i 8^4. 



A list of the first Episcopal Ministers and their successors in 
the several towns on the Island as far as the same could be pro- 
cured. 







\S henl '" 


3 


Rel 


Names. 


Where educated gradu 


p 


S" 


mov- 


Remarks. 






ated. 




c^ 


ed. 




Hemistead. 














John Thomas,* . 


Europe, 




1701 


\11^ 




* Missionaries from 


Thomas Jenny,* 






17:;.'. 




I74'J 


Society for propagat- 


Samuel Seabuiy, 


Harvard, 


■ 172 i 


i;.i- 


17! ' 




ing the Gospel. 


Leonard Cutting, 


Pembroke, 


1754 


\ .. : 




r«4 




Thomas L. Moore, 


Columbia, 




r.i!. 


|79' 


i 


John H. Hobart, 


Nassau, 


1793 


I 00 




Iv'OO 


Bishop of N. York. 


Seth Hart, 


Yale, 


178J 


1,0;^ 








Jamaica. 














Thomas Poyer, 


Europe, 




17. 


17.1 




Missionary. 


Thomas Colgan, 


do 




1731' 


1 -y. 




do 


Samuel Seabuiy, jun. 


Yale, 


1748 


1731: 




17{55 


Bishop of Connect ii-!i! 


Joshua Bloomer, 


Columbia, 


1761 


I76ti 




1790 




William Hammel, 






1790 




179., 




Charles Seaburv, 






179;> 




1 79f, 




Elijah D. Rattone, 


Nassau, 


1787 


1797 




180J 




Calvin White, 


Yale, 


1786 


180.! 




1805 




George Strebeck, 






1150- 




1805 


i 


Andrew Fowler, 


Harvard, 


1783 


vm, 




i;i03 


^ Six months each. 


John Ireland, 


England, 




1807 




liJ07 


i 


Edmund D. Barry, 


Columbia, 


1804 


1808 




1809 


< One year earb. 


Timothy Clowes, 


do 


1808 


1809 




1810 


Gilbert H. Savers, 


do 


1808 


1810 




1 





it 



Newiowx. 














Van Dyke, 






J797 




1802 




Ahraliam L. Clarke, 


Vale, 


173.') 


180J 


1812 






William WrM, 


Columbia, 


iso^- 


lai- 








Evan M. Johnson, 


Brown Univers.i 


IbOi- 


1814 








FtUSHIPi^. 














Abraham L. Clarke,t 


Yale, 


ITB.-) 


1^0 


1812 




+ Preached at New- 


Barzillai Biiltclej', 






liil: 






town and Flushing. 


John V. E Thome, 


Union, 


lilll 


18?0 








Huntington. 














James Greaton, 


Vale, 


175' 


I7P7 


\":<. 




The Church served 


Edward K. Foxvler, 






18-.I 






by supplies. 


Brookhaven. 














Alexander Campbell, 


England, 




17 r- 








Isaac Brown, 


do 




17:-!: 




1747 


Removed to Newark 


James Lyon, 


Ireland, 




1 74-. 


1786 






Andrew Fowler, 


Harvard, •- 


1783 


1787 




1788 




Sands, 












Served by supplies;. 


Burges, 














Charles Seabury, 






1814 








ISLIP. 














Thomas L.Moore, 






1781 




17o.> 


Supplied by Minis- 


BRnOKLT.V. 












ters of Brook haven. 


George Wright, 


Ireland, 




I7'!- 




1 701 




Mr Doty, 






179. 




nil.. 




Samuel Nesbit, 


Scotland, 




I7f.'; 




1707 




John Ireland, 


Engfland, 




i:9 




1 Ofi 




Hemy 1. Feltus, 


Ireland, 









iai4 




John C K. Henshaw, 


Middlehury, 


11.0 


181 J 




UU7 




Hugh Smith, 


Columbia, 


llii:-. 


iai7 




1819 




*Henry U. Onderdonk, 


do 


ISIO 


liilO 









A brief account of the first Episcopal Ministers that settled 
on hong-Island. 

The first Episcopal Ministers who settled on the Island, as 
was before stated, were Mi.^sionnries sent over by the society 
for the propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts, and were 
supported at the expense of the said society. They were 
born and educated in Great Britain or Ireland, and were gen- 
erally well educated men. 

The first Kpiscopal Church on the Island was established at 
Hempstead — and the first Episcopal Minister who settled on 
the Island, was the Rev. John Thomas, who was sent as a 
Missionary to this country at the solicitation of the people of 
Hempstead. 

Mr. Thomas arrived at Hempstead in 1704. He found very 
few persons among the inhabitants who were acquainted with 
the discipline, rites, and ceremonies of the Episcopal Church. 
He found the children without the means of education, and 
the state of society such as is usually the result of the want of 
public instruction and an «st'blishcd ministry. 

'*' In some cases, the time of settlement and removal of the above ministers has been 
inserted on verbal inform ition, and may not be exact. 

In most instances the facts are taken from records, and in cases where the records 
Inrnished no information, or were not to bo procured, pains have been taken to gf^^ av 
»-orrect ir.formatior>, as possible. 



48 

Mr. Thomas had to encounter the difficult task of uniting a 
mixed and discordant population into one society, and^^of redu- 
cing them to order and regularity. 

Ke immediately set about organizing a Churclv, and intro- 
ducing order and attention to religious duties. 

In 1713, at his solicitation the society for propagating the 
Gospel, made a grant of £10 a year, for the purpose of aiding 
the establishment of a school and support of a competent 
teacher, for which the vestry returned them their thanks. 

Mr. Thomas seems to have been laborious and successful in 
his efforts to meliorate the condition of the town. 

In 1720, he informed the society that withm eighteen months 
he had baptized one hundred and sixty persons, many of 
whoni were adults. 

Mr. Thomas continued at Hempstead till his death. He 
died in 1724. 

The Rev. Thomas Jenny succeeded Mr. Thomas in 1725, 
and continued in that Church till 1742, when he removed 
from there. Little is known of the character of Mr. Jenny. 

The Rev. Samuel Seabury succeeded Mr. Jeunyin 1742. 
Mr. Seabury graduated at Harvard College in 1724, and 
shortly afterwards settled as a congregational Minister at Gro- 
ton, in Connecticut. After some time spent in that station, he 
became a convert to the discipline, rites, and forms of the 
Episcopal Church, and resigned his charge. He soon after 
joined the Episcopal Church, took the necessary steps to ob- 
tain orders, and settled in the [episcopal Church at New-Lon- 
don. Mr. Seabury left New- London and came to Long- 
Island and settled at Hempstead in 1742. He continued at 
Hempstead till his death in 1764. 

Mr. Seabury was a popular preacher, and contributed to 
strengthen and extend the influence of the Episcopal Church 
in that part of the country. 

The Kev, Thomas Poyer arrived at Jamaica in 1710, as a 
Missionary from the society, for propagating the Gospel in 
foreign parts, and was the second Episcopal Clergyman who 
settled on Long-Island. He found the town distracted with a 
controversy between the Episcopalians and Presbyterians re- 
specting the legitimate ownership ofthe lands which had been 
set apart for the suppor tof Jie Gospel, in that town, and ofthe 
building that had been erected in 1700, by a general subscrip- 
tion for public worship. These had been seized by the Epis- 
copalians in 1702, for their exclusive use, and their right to 
them was vigorously contested by the Presbyterians who at that 
time constituted much the most numerous proportion of the 
inhabitants. 



49 

Mr. Poyer probably under the impression that the Episco- 
pal Church injthe colonies was entitled to the same ascendency 
over dissenters as in England, joined the Episcopalians, and 
became their organ in their controversies with the Presby- 
terians. 

This controversy disturbed the harmony of tiie town during 
the life time of Mr. Poyer, and was calculated to diminish the 
beneficial effects of the sacred function. 

Mr. Poyer was strongly attached to the Church, and had he 
not been unhappily entangled with this controversy, he might 
have contributed probably essentially to her increase and ex- 
tension. He died in 1731. 

The Rev. Thomas Colgan succeeded Mr. Poyer in 1732. 
Mr. Colgan, was also a Missionary from the society for pro- 
pagating the Gospel in foreign parts. He arrived at Jamaica 
m 1732, about the time the Episcopalians relinquished the 
struggle for the Church and parsonage land in that town ; and 
were directing their efforts to the erection of a C^hurch of their 
own, which they completed in 1734. 

The Episcopalians in Newtown and Flushing about the same 
time or shortly after, erected Churches in those Parishes. 

Mr. Colgan freed from the distracting cares which had en- 
grossed his predecessor, was left at liberty to devote his whole 
time to his Ministerial duties, Mr. Colgan continued in the 
charge of the three parishes till his death if. 1755. 

The Rev. Samuel Seabury, Jun. first Bishop of the Episco- 
pal Church in the United States, and Bishop of Connecticut, 
succeeded Mr. Colgan, in 1756. Mr. Seabury was the sou 
of the Rev. Samuel Seabury of Hempstead. He was born in 
1728, and graduated at Yale College in 1748. He shortly after 
visited Scotland with a view of studying physic, but soon 
turned his attention to divinity. He went from thence to Lon- 
don, and was admitted to the order of Deacon and Priest in 
1753. On his return, Mr. Seabury preached twa or three 
years at Brunswick in New-Jersey. In 1756, he removed 
from that place and settled at Jamaica on Long-Island. In 
1765, he left Jamaica and settled at Westchester, in which 
place he continued until the Revolutionary War, when he re- 
tired to New-York ; after the return of peace he settled at New- 
London. In 1784 he went to England for consecration as 
Bishop of Connecticut. In consequence of the occurrence of 
some difficulties (not of a personal nature) to the accomplish- 
ment of his wishes, he went to Scotland and was consecrated 
by three nonjuring Bishops. On his return he fixed his 
residence at New-London, where he continued in the faith- 



50 

ful discharge of the duties of his elevated function, till his 
death in 1796. 

Bishop Seabury was held in high estimation — he was 
warmly attached to the interests of the Church, of which he 
was an ornament, and was indefatigable in his exertions to 
extend its limits and to add to its reputation and influence. 

The Bishop published a few detached discourses and two 
volumes of sermons in his life time, and another volume was 
published after his death, all of which do honor to his memory. 

Within forty years past, there have been a number of Me- 
thodist societies formed on the Island, but the number is not 
exactly known 

There are a number of parishes in the several towns, and 
there are several congregational societies in the eastern part of 
Suffolk county, but the number and names of the Ministers are 
not ascertained. 

The Friends formed societies in Flushing and Oysterbay at 
an early period of those settlements, which have increased and 
form a large proportion of the population of those towns, but 
the number of the societies is not known. 

There are a number of Baptists scattered about the Island, 
but no organized societies are known, except at Oysterbay and 
Brooklyn. 

Of the several tribes of Indians on Long-Island. 

When the first settlements were made on the Island by the 
Dutch and English, it appears from the original Indian 
deeds, that the principal tribes that occupied it, were as 
follows : — 

The Canarse, the Rockaway, the Merikoke, the Marsa- 
peague, the Secatague and the Patchague on the south side — 
the Matinecoc, the Nissaquague, the Satauket and the Cor- 
chaug on the north side ; the Shinecoc, the Manhanset and the 
Montauk from the Canoe Place to Montauk point. 

The Canarse appears to have been the only tribe, or the 
only tribe of any consequence, in Kings county. This tribe 
claimed the chief part of the lands in Kings county, and a 
part of the lands in Jamaica. 

The Rockaway tribe claimed the territory around Rocka- 
way, and more or less of the lands in Newtown and Jamaica. 

The Merikoke and Marsapeague tribes extended from 
Rockaway thro' Queens county into Suffolk, on the south 
side of the Island. 



51 

Tlie territory of the Matinecoc tribe extended from Flusli- 
ing thro' Queens county to Fresh pond in Suffolk, on the 
north side. 

The Nissaquague tribe extended from Fresh-pond to Sto- 
ny-brook. 

The Satauket tribe claimed from Stoivy-brook to the 
Wading river. 

The Corchaug tribe extended from the Wading river thro' 
South Old on the north side. 

The territory of the Manhanset tribe was Shelter Island. 

The territory of the Secataug tribe, adjoined that of the 
Marsapeagues and extended to Patchogue. 

The territory of the Patchogue tribe extended to South 
Hampton. 

• The Shinecoc tribe extended from the Canoo Place to 
IVIontauk, and that Peninsula was the seat of the Monlauk 
tribe. 

There are one or two other tribes named in the old records, 
but the place they occupied cannot be ascertained, and it is 
evident from that circumstance, that they must have been very 
small, perhaps the mere remnants of tribes which had been 
destroyed in their wars. 

Those above enumerated, are the principal tribes that occu- 
pied the Island when the English and the Dutch commenced 
their settlements there, and the original purchases of the 
several towns were made of these tribes. 

The Indian settlements were all on the bays, creeks and 
harbours on the north and south sides of the Island, and 
their territories were divided from each other by the middle 
of the Island; 

At the lime of the first settlement of the Island, the whole 
Indian population was considerable, but by no means as great 
as the facilities of subsistence would have authorized us to 
expect, nor as great as it probabl}' had formerly been. 

The shell banks which indicate the sites of their villages, 
on the western half of the Island, are large and numerous, 
and beds of shells of some size or other are found at intervals 
of a few miles all around the margin of the Island. From 
these it would seenj that the population of some parts of the 
Island was once very numerous, or must iiave been stationary 
there a long lime.* 



* The Shell Banks in the western towns of Suffolk county are much larger and 
more numerous than in the eastern towns, where Shell Fish are as abundant: which 
proves that the western part of the Island had been the longest settled, and that the 
Indian emigration proceeded from west to east. 



5:i 

The state of the Indian population must be ascribed to 
iheir perpetual wars by which they had been diminished. 

All savage nations are addicted to war. The causes of war 
among them are numerous, and the mode of carrying it on 
destructive to their numbers. 

It appears that Long Island had been overrun by hostile 
tribes, and many of the natives must have been destroyed by 
them. 

Of the political state of the Indians. 

The confederacy of the five nations extended their con- 
rjuests as far south as Manhattan Island, and had passed over 
10 the west end of Long-Island, and subdued the Canarse 
Indians. 

There is a tradition among the Dutch, that at the time of 
flie first settlement of the Island, the Canarse tribe paid the 
Mohawks an annual tribute of Wampum and dried Clams, 
and that they discontinued the payment of it on the persua- 
sion of the whites, in consequence of which a party of the 
conquerors came and destroyed the whole tribe except a (gw 
who happened to be from home. 

Some writers have supposed the conquest of the Mohawks 
extended to the whole Island, but there is no tradition to 
support it, and it is believed that the conquest never extended 
beyond the territories of the Canarse Indians. 

This may have been owing to the fact that all the other 
Indians were in subjection to the Pequots.* It is well known 
that that tribe never were subdued by the five nations, and 
it would have been a violation of their rules of warfare to 
have turned their arms against a tributary people while they 
)iad not subdued the power that held them in subjection. 

There is \ery little doubt but that the Montauk Indians 
had subdued the other tribes from Montauk to Rockaway. 

At the time of the first settlement of the Island, the Mon- 
tauk Sachem exercised some kind of sovereignty over the 
whole territory. 

The first purchasers were anxious to have their purchase 
deeds signed by him, as well as by the chief of the tribe of 
whom the land was purchased. 

The confirmation deed of Hempstead, in 1657, of Lloyd'oi 
Neck and others, are executed in this manner. 



*' * The Pequots were a very warlike and potent people about 40 years sini-e, 
(1624,) at which time they were in their meridian. Their chief Sachem held do- 
minion over divers petty Sagamores, as over part of Long-Island, over the Mohe- 
gans, and over the Sagamores of Quinapak, yea, over all the people that dwelt on 
Connecticut river, and over some of the most southerly inhabitants of the Nip- 
miick country about Quinabaag." — Gookin's Histort. 



53 

In some otthe original deeds, the Montauk chief is styled 
the Sachem of Pauraanacke or Long-Island.* 

The superiority ascribed to the chief of that tribe after the 
settlement of the country, may have arisen from the authority 
conferred on him by the commissioners of the United Colonies. 

In 1644, the chiefs of the Montauk and neighbouring tribes 
put themselves under the government of the commissioners, 
and they at the same time or shortly after, made a chief; who 
is supposed to have been the sachem of Montauk, chief sach- 
em of the Long-Island Indians. 

It may have been the case that the commissioners only con- 
firmed an authority, with which they found him already 
invested. 

It is believed that the Pequots of the eastern part of Con- 
necticut, during the period of their power, extended their 
conquests to Long- Island ; and at the time of the first settle- 
ment of New-England, that the Long-Island Indians v^ere in 
subjection to them. 

Winthrop in his Journal states, that after the reduction of 
the Pequots, in 1637, " Sachems from Long-Island came 
voluntarily and brought a tribute to us of twenty fathom of 
Wampum each of them," and the chiefs of the Long-Island 
Indians when they applied to be taken under the protection of 
the United Colonies in 1644, assured the commissioners, " that 
"4h5y iiad been tributaries to the Engiisn ever '■■j^ce ihe Pe- 
" quot war, and that they had never injured the English or 
" Dutch, but had been friendly to both," which implied that 
they had been subject to the Pequots, and followed their fate. 

The subjection of the Montauks involved the subjection of 
all the tribes that were under them, and the conquest of the 
Pequots must have embraced all the tribes on the Island, east 
of the Canarse territory. 

In 1652, Ninigrate, the chief of the Nehantic Indians, who 
were either a tribe of the Narragansets or closely connected 
with them, made war on the Long-Island Indians, which last- 
ed several years, and reduced them to great extremity. 

He invaded the territory of the .Montauks and would have 
extirpated the whole tribe if they had not found protection 

*It is a little uncertaia what was the general Indian name of Long Island. la seve- 
ral old deeds the Montauk Sachem is styled the Sachem of Pauminacke or Long- 
island — Hubbard states that at the time of the grant to Lord Stirling, iu 1635, it was 
called by the Indians .Mattanwake, and in the patent to the Duke of York, it is called 
Meitowax. 

By a statute passed April lOth, 1693, it was enacted that the Island should be 
called Nassau, and should be so styled in all legal proceedings, which has never been 
repealed, but has by general consent been suffered to become obsolete. 



54 

ru the humauiiy ol' the people of East-Hampton. They were 
obliged to abandon their villages, and to flee for refuge to 
East-Hamption, where they were kindly received, sustained 
and protected. They continued to reside in that town for se- 
veral years before they deemed it safe to return to Montauk. 

In 1655, Mr. Thomas James, minister of East-Hampton, 
and others, wrote to tl»e commissioners, that the Indians on the 
Island must submit themselves and their country to theNarra- 
gansets, unless they should have some speedy assistance. 

The commissioners sent military supplies to the towns of 
East-Hampton, South-Hampton, and to the Indians, 

They stationed an armed vessel in the Sound, under the 
command of captain John Youngs, with orders to stave Nini- 
grate's canoes and to destroy his forces. 

The commissioners also gave orders, that in case the enemy 
should pursue the Indians within two miles of any of the set- 
tlements, the inhabitants should immediately repair to- their 
assistance. 

Captain Youngs was continued in command of the vessel 
stationed in the Sound the following year, and the war seems 
not to have ceased until the end of the year 1656, or perhaps 
some time in -1657. 

In one of their enterprises, the Narragansets among others, 
took the daughter of Wyandance, the chief Sachem, prisoner, 
who was ransomed by the aid of Lyon Gardiner, the first pro- 
prietor of Gardiner's Island, in gratitude for which, the chief, 
in 1659, presented him with a deed for the territory which 
now forms the town of Smith-Town.* 



* Lyon Gardiner was a Scotchman, and had served as a Lieutenant in the Britisii 
army iu the low countries; he came over in 1635, and erected the fort at Saybrook, 
under lords Say and Seal, Brooke, and others, and had the command of the garrison 
until the fall of 1639, when he removed to the Island that has since been called after 
him, which he had purchased of the native proprietors, and was confirmed to him by a 
deed from James Farret, " deputy of the Right Honorable the Earl of Stirling, Secre- 
tary of the Kingdom of Scotland." bearing date the 10th of March, 1639. 

Lyon Gardner's sou JJavid, born at Saybrook 29th April, 1636, is supposed to 
tiave been tlie first white child boin in the bounds bf Connecticut, and iiis daughter, 
Elizabeth, born on the Island, September I4th, 1641, may have been the first English 
thild born within the territory of New-York. Lieutenant Gardiner carried several 
families with liim to the Island, probably for security, as they removed to East- 
Ilampton as soon as that town was settled. 

He seems to have been in high estimation, both with the English and Indians. 

Wyandance, in 1659, presented him a deed for the territory which now forms the 
town of Smith-Town, in gratitude for the favours he had received from him, and he 
and his son were by him appointed the guardians of the young Sachem, Wiancombone. 
He removed to East-Hanipton in 1655, and was frequently if not uniformly ciiosen to 
the magistracy of that town till iiis death, in 1663. 

Gardner's Island, which at the time of the death of Lyon Gardner, in 1663, was 
appraised at 700/, now pays about one sixth part of the taxes of East-Hampton. The 
I^jland contains 3000 acres, of which 600 are refuse, and about the year 1800, main 
iained on aa average, yearly : — 



M- 



55 

These various and successive general wars with such as 
raay have taken place between separate tribes, must have con- 
tributed greatly to reduce their numbers, and to render the 
whole Island much less populous than it would otherwise have 
been at the time of the first settlement of the country. 

Of all the tribes that were found on Long-Island, there re- 
main only a few families of Montauks and Shinecocs, with a 
i'ew scattering ones at different places on the south side of the 
Island.* 

Of the state of Society among the Indians. 

The Indians on Long-Island raised corn and vegetables, 
and these with the deer, wild fowl, and various kinds of shell 
fish and other fish that abounded on the Island, must have af- 
forded them easy and ample means of subsistence ; yet not- 
withstanding these advantages, they still continued in the hun- 
ter state, and had made no advances in the arts, which are 
usually first cultivated in the infancy of society. They were 
not distinguished by their dwellings, their clothing, their do- 
mestic utensils, or weapons of war, from the natives of the in- 
terior. 

Except their canoes of which those that belonged to the 
chiefs were very large, and their arrow-heads which were cu- 
riously wrought out of the hardest stone ; the only materials 

In Winter, 260, and in Summer, 340 head of neat Cattle, 
do. 60 do. 80 Horses, 

do. 40 do. 60 Swine, 

do. 1500 do. 2200 Sheep. 

There was at that time commonly raised on the Island, yearly, 

50 acres of Wheat, yielding about 17 bushels per acre, 
25 acres of Indian Corn, do. 35 bushels per acre, 

15 do. of Oats, do. 30 do. 

10 do. of Flax, do. 8 bushels seed per acre. 

It yielded about 250 tons of English, and 100 tons of Meadow-hay, and employed 
on an average, Winter and Summer, about 16 hands. 

This Island has continued entire in the same family; and the present owner, David 
.lohnson Gardiner, is the eighth own^r and seventh lineal descendant from Lyon 
Gardiner. 

The celebrated pirate Kid, called at . lis Island on his way to Boston, when he 
returned from his cruise, in 1699, and deposited there a box of Gold, Silver, and pre- 
cious Stones, under the charge and at the risk of the then owner, an account of which 
was found among his papers when he was taken up at Boston, and the box was deliver- 
ed to the commissioners, who were appointed to secure his treasures. — See Appendix. 

* At the first settlement of Long-Island, the Montauks were considerably numerous ; 
their numbers were diminished by their war with Ninigrate in 165G, and by emigra- 
tion from time to time to the Indian settlements on tlie main shore. In 1761. they 
amounted to 33 families and to 192 souls ; subsequent to that period, the tribe was 
still further reduced by the emigration of a number with Sampson Occum and other 
Indians to B^othertown in 1786. They do not at present exceed half a dozen families 
nor amount to more than 30 souls. 



56 

oi' art among them, seem to have been some rude vessels of 
earth hardened in the fire, and these are sometimes found in 
their shell banks. 

The Indians on Long-Island seem to have abounded in 
wampum, the Indian substitute for money. It was made out of 
the shells of different species of shell fish, of the size of beads, 
and perforated like them. The beads were black or blue, 
and while, and the black were double the value of the 
white, and this fact clearly shews that some standard of value 
is essential to social intercourse in the rudest state of society.* 

The Dutch and English both, either from necessity or con- 
venience, resorted to the use of this Indian money, and the 
value of it was fixed either by law or custom. In the early 
stages of the settlements, three black beads or six white ones 
passed for a penny. 

JRelts made of wampum were exchanged at the treaties be- 
tween different tribes, as symbols to perpetuate the memory of 
the transaction. 

The same causes that diminished the numbers and prevent- 
ed the increase of the Indians, contributed to retard their pro- 
gress in improvement and civilization. 

The religious notions of the Long-Island Indians, are pre- 
served in a communication of Sampson Occum, an Indian 
Minister, which is published among the collections of the his- 
torical society of Massachusetts. 

They had a plur;ility of Gods, but believed in one great and 
good being, who had the control over all the rest. They 
believed in an evil spirit and had their conjurers or pawaws. 
They believed in a future state of existence, and that there 
would be a distinction, according to their behaviour here. 

They made sacrifices to their Gods, and performed such 
other acts of worship, as are common among the Indians in 
general. 

Their conjurers were said to have intercourse with the evil 
spirit, and by the Duke's laws of 1665, it was enacted " that 
no Indian should be suflered to pavvaw or perform worship 
to the devil in any town wifhin the government. 

The language of the Montauk Indians is supposed to have 
been the common language of all the Long-Island Indians, 

* The Indians upon Long Island seem to have abounded in this article. _ Winthrop 
in his journal states, that Massachusetts in 1634, sent the bark Blessing, which appears 
to have been the first vessel that was built in that colony, to Long-Island ; and that the 
Indians there had " Ftore of the best wampum white and blue, and crnoes that would 
farry 80 mfn. 



57 



iind ditfered but little from that of the Narragaiiset, the Massa^ 
chusetts, and other New-England tribes.* 

* It is supposed that there were only two original iiidiau languages in the Unite 
States, north of the Roanbake ; the Delaware and the Iroquois . The languages of the 
different tribes of New England, and most of the Indian tribes from the Mississippi to 
Nova Scotia, are only different dialects of the Delaware language. 

The structure of the Indian languages is different from that of all known languages, 
ancient or modern ; and there is a great analogy iu this respect, between those that 
are radically distinct. 

The Indian languages have no substantive verb, and have no distinction of genders. 
The nouns are not varied to distinguish betweeft male and female, but between ani- 
mate and inanimate things. They admit of prelixes and suffixes, and sometimes blend 
several words together, so as to make a whole sentence of a single long word. 

These languages are made up of these combinations ; not only pronouns, but adjec- 
tives, conjunctions and adverbs are combined with the verb, and produce a great variety 
of forms of expression, and render them peculiarly copious and expressive. 

The following Indian words are taken from a manuscript of the late JohnJLyon Gar- 
diner, Esq. deceased ; wlio took them down from the lips of the Montatik Chief, and 
is the only spe<imen of the language that could be obtained 



IMassakeat mund 

Alachees cund 

SauDchem 

Seaunskq 

Wonnux 

Wonnuxk 

Inchun 

Wewauchunt 

Mausqueseetd 

Ausgoote 

Quauhaug 

Suxawaug 

Tobaugsk 

Cheaganan 

IViep 

Keagh or cage 

Mashuee 

Machaweeskt 

Yunks quash 

Squashees 

Weenai 



great good spirit 

evil spirit 

king 

queen 

■white nmn 

white woman 

an Indian 

Indian corn 

beans 

pumpkins 

a round clam 

a long clam 

tobacco* 

a hatchet 

water 

land 

a canoe 

a little child 

young woman 

little girl 

old woman 



luicqut 

iieeze 

nisk 

yuaw 

nepaw 

conma 

nusus 

swans 

passecuconil 

pyunck 

checsk 

chiauk 

weegan 

rauttadeaio 

wedaums 

cut daus 

seaunip 

yeokeheag 

Massakeat Mund suraauna Inshun wewauchum. Great spirit, give Indian corn. 

At the time the above words were taken down, there were no more than seven per- 
sons among them who could speak the language, and it may now be considered as extinct. 
From the following table exhibiting the same words in the Delaware, Mohegan, 
Massachusetts, Narraganset and Montauk languages ; it is evident that they are all 
kindred languages, and that the three last are with very little variation the same 
dialect. 



one 

two 
thrpr 
four 
"•iivc 
six 
seven 
eiglit 
nine j 
ten 
small 
lar^o 
good 
but! 

roast corn 
boiled corn 
pounded com 
roast corn pounded 





Deleware 


Mohegan 


Massachusetts 


Narragansett 


JVIontauk 


one 


N'gutti 


JNgwittoh 


Nequit 


Neqnit 


Nucqut 


two 


Nischa 


INeesoh 


Neese 


Neese 


Neese 


three 


Nacha 


iNoghhoh 


Nisk 


Nisk 


Nisk 


four 


Newo 


Nauwoh 


Yau 


Voh 


Yuaw 


five 


Palenach 


Nunon 


Nepanoa 


Nepanna 


Nepaw 


.^ix 


Guttasch 


Ngwittus 


Negutta 


Qutta 


Conma' 


seven 


Nuschasch 


Tupouwus 


Nesausuk 


Enada 


Nusus 


eight 


Chasck 


Ghusooh 


Shwosuk 


Showsuck 


Swans 


nine 


Peschkonk 


JVauneewch Paskoognn 


Paskugit 


Passecucond 


tea 


Tallen 


Mtannit 


Pink 


Pluck 


Pyunck 


king 








Sachem 


Saunchem 


queen 








Saunks 


Seaunskq 


corn 








Ewacbim 


Wewauchum 


land 






Ohke 


Auke 


Keagh or eag> 


water 


Mbi 


Nbey 


Nippe 




Neip 



58 



Of the measures adopted io preserve peace with the Indians. 

The Indians on Long-Island, seem to have been less trou- 
blesome to the whites, than those north of ihe sound. 

It does not appear that they ever formed any general com- 
bination against the first settlers, or materially interrupted the 
progress of their improvements. The records of that period, 
iurnish no account of any general war against the Long-Island 
Indians, by the Dutch or English. 

There is no reason to believe that this exemption from In- 
dian hostilities was owing to a belter disposition or milder 
character of the natives of the Islarid. Individuals and 
small parties were sometimes troublesome to the settlers. 

In 1649, a murder was perpetrated at South Old, and the 
town was greatly alarmed at the hostile appearance of the In- 
dians for several days, and several murderswere committed in 
the Dutch towns in 1652. 

The towns were frequently jealous of them. 

In 1645, the town of South Hampton ordered one half of 
their military company to bring their arms to meeting with 
them every Lord's Day alternately for some time. 

In 1651, the town of East Hampton ordered the inhabitants 
to bring their arms with them on the Lord's Day, under the 
penalty of 12d. for every neglect, and other towns are said lo 
have done the like. 

The Indians sometimes committed depredations on the 
property of the w hites. 

In 1657, they did considerable damage to the people of 
South Hampton, and in 1681^ four Indians plundered a store 
in Huntington, and threatened the lives of the family. The 
first settlers in e\ery part of the Island, were in the practice of 
guarding their cattle* which ran at large, and it might have 
been to prevent the depredations of the Indians, as well as to 
guard them against injuries from wild beasts and other acci- 
dents. 

canoe Mislioon Masliucu 

•a girl I'eesqinsoo Squasese Squasheep 

young woman JN'unksqiui Yuiik squash 

old woman WeniiC Weenai 

* In Johnson's " Wonder Working Providence," it isststedthat when the English 
first commenced their settlements on Long-Island, " the Indians did mnch annoy their 
cattle with the multitude of dogs they kept which ordinarily were young wolves brought 
up tame, continuing of a very ravening nature." 

Wolves were abundant upon the Island. lu the account of the committee consisting 
of a commissioner from each town for adjusting the expenses of the county of Suffolk, 
November 10, 1685, the item for wolves was 431. 13s. Killed as follows : In Kast 
Hampton 16, South Hampton 3, South Old 1, Brookhaven 2, Smith Town 6, and in 
'Huntington 15 ; in all 43 young and old killed, during the year preceding. 



.->9 

The security ot'the wljites must be ascribed to the menus they 
•'mployed to preserve peace with the Indians. 

The English and the Dutch both endeavoured to secure 
uninterrupted peace with the Indians by treaty. 

The reception of the Indians on the east end of the Island, 
under the protection of the Commissioners of the United co- 
lonies in 1644, and their subsequent appointment of the Mon- 
tauk chief grand sach.Mn of the Long-Island Indians, must 
have augmented the influence which he before possessed over 
more or less of the Indian tribes on the Island, and must have 
enabled and disposed him to curb any disposition manifested 
by them to annoy or interrupt the whites. 

In 1643, the year before the Dutch war with the Indians north 
of the sound; the Dutch Governor made a treaty with Pen- 
nowits, sachem as is supposed of the Matinecock Indians. 

In 1656, the Dutch Governor made a treaty with Tacka- 
pansha the sachem of the Marsapeague Indians, and the re- 
presentative of five other tribes. 

Thus the Dutch on the west end, and the English on the 
cast end of the Island, maintained a constant friendship with 
the natives in their respective neighbourhoods, and while they 
were friendly with each other, the Indians from one end of the 
Island to the other were friendly with both,* 

* Considerable exertions were very early made to instruct the Long-Island Incli;kn?, 
jiarticularly tliose of the Montauk tribe, iu tlie principles of the Christian reli- 
gion. 

It is supposed souif efforts to this effect were made by the Rev. Abraham PiersOD 
<iarin£ the three or lour years he continued at South Hampton. 

Mr. James, the first minister of East Hampton, was the first wlio was regularly em- 
ployed in thij business. The folio liii^ item is fonrul in the accounts of the society 
lor'propogating the gospel in New-Eng,l.iii(l for 16U2, to wit : " to Mr. James of East 
Hampton, his salary for instrufting the Indians at Long-Island, 201.'" It is not known 
how long Mr. James was employed in this Ijusincss, nor \rbethcr he was iucceeded by 
any one'until the mission of Mr. Horton. 

In 1711, the Commissioners of the sauh; society employed Azariah Horton as a mis-- 
sionary among the Long-Island Indians ; and under his labours there was a great rr- 
formation among them Tlicy then renounced their idols, and "in the course of two or 
tiiree year- it is said that he baptized thiry five adults and forty five children ; religion 
however afterwards declined among them, and the missson was given up in 17.')3." 

In 175,^, or thereabouts, Sampson Occmn, an Indian of the.Moiiegan tribe in Connec- 
ticut, was employed to keep a school among them, and afterwards to instruct them in 
religion til! ITGJ. 

Nocitiier missionary was regularly employed among these Indians, until about 1800, 
when Paul Cuffee, a Long-Island IiidiHU, was employed as a religous instructor among 
them by the n.issionarv society of New-York. Paul continued his labours among 
them till his death. He died March 7th, 1812, aged 55 year?.' 

Sampson Occum was born in 1723, was educated by Mr. Wheelock of Lebanon and 
Mr. Pomeroy of Hebron. A weakness in his eyes prevented bis going to college ; 
about 1755, he went to Montauk and established a school among the Indians. In the 
Spring of 1758, he was licenced to preach by the Association of Windham i-ounty, 
Connecticut, and on the 29th August 1759, he was ordained to the ministry by the 
Presbytery of Suffolk county, with a view to send him as a missionary among the 
southern Indians. This plan being defeated by a war between the whites and the 
Cherokees, he remained the most of his time between his ordination and the Spring of 
l!7Bl with the Montauks. He then engaged in a mission to the Oneidas, and con- 



00 

Both ilie English and the Dutch on Long-Island, respected 
the rights of the Indians, and no laud was taken up by the 
several towns, or by individuals, until it had been fairly pur- 
chased of the chiefs of the tribe who claimed it. 

The consideration given for the land was inconsiderable in 
value, and usually consisted of different articles of clothing, 
implements of hunting and fishing, domestic utensils, and per- 
sonal ornaments ; but appears to have been such in all cases as 
was deemed satisfactory by the Indians.* 

tinued with them until 1765, when he accompanied Mr. Whitaker to Europe to solicit 
funds for the Indian charity school. They remained there two or three years and col- 
lected upwards of $5000 for tliat charity ii. England and Scotland. 

The ili'v Samuel Buell gives his charEcter as a preacher, in a letter to the Rev. 
David Bostwick, of New-York, dated May 9th, 1761, he says " as a preacher of tiie 
gospel, lie seems always to have in view the end of the ministry, the glory of God and 
the salvation of men ; his manner of expression when he preaches to the Indians is 
vastly more natur.il and free, clear and eloquent, quick and powerful than wlien he 
preaches to others. He is the glory of the Indian nation." 

" While in England he was an object of much attention ; he preached in the crowd- 
ed chapels of London an J even occupied the puipitof Whitfield with acceptance." 

In March 1768, he returned and resumed iiis missionary labours a.rnong the Indians 
in Connecticut, and in 1786 lie removed with the Indians under his care, consisting of the 
Moliegans and the remnants of some other tribes, to Oneida in the State of New-York, 
and settled on a tract of land given them by the Oneida tribe for that purpose, which from 
the union of different tribes that formed the settlement they called Brothertown. 

Mr. Occum continued in the charge of the Brothertown Indians until within a few 
▼ears of his death. He died at New Stockbridge in Oneida county, in July 1702, aged 
69 years. 

* The first purchase of Huntington in 16.33, comprized nearly six miles square ;tlie 
consideratio.i paid to the Indians, consisted of six coats, six bottles, six hatchets, si.K 
shovels, ten knives, six fathom wampum, thirty mu.Kes and thirty needles. 

The first purchase of East Hampton, embraced about 30720 acres, and the articles 
gi"en in payment consisted of twenty coats, twenty four looking glasses, twenty-four 
hoes, twenty-four liatchets, twenty-four knives and one hundred muxes. 

The first purchase of Oysterbay, embraced upwards of 20000 acres, foi wliich the first 
purchasers gave six Indian coats, six kettles, six fathom of wampum, six hoes, six 
hatchets, three pair stockings, tiiirty awl blades or muxes, twenty knives, three shirts, 
peague 41. sterling. 

The decrease of the Indiana is sometimes represented as if the whites were blameable 
for purchasing their lands. The decay of their numbers is a consequence ofthe settle- 
ment of the country by an agricultural people — the improvement of the country must 
diminish the game, lessen the means of ihcir support, and drive them into the interior 
with the wild beasts that furnish their sustenance, while they retain the character of 
hunters. Providence certainly never designed that the earth should be kept desolate 
by erratic nations, but should be so used as to afTord support to the greatest number of 
human beings. 

The United States as the British government formerly did, permit the Indians with- 
in the limits of their political jurisdiction, to retain their own customs, to choose their 
own rulers, to make treaties and preserve their relations with each other. They are 
not subject to our laws, and are not required to perform the duties of citizens ; they are 
saftiered to retain their independence, subject to our protection, and control, so far only 
as their own welfare and the public safety require. 

The government concedes to them the right of occupation, and claims the right of 
soil or ultimate domain. It sufTers no advantage to be taken ofthe necessities or iia- 
becility of individuals, by the fraud or avarice of our own citizens. 

An Indian territory belongs to the tribe or.nation, and cannot be sold by indivi- 
duals. The alienation of their territory is a national act, and can only be done by 
treaty. The'extinguishment of Indian claims therefore is an act of sovereignty, and 
no purchase made by an unauthorized individual is of any validity, nor was any pur- 
chase ever considered as legal from the first settlement of the country, which was made 
without authority, until it was confirmed by patent or some other act of government, 



<>1 

Both powers endeavoured to prevent the evils which usually 
result from the use of spirituous liquors by the Indians. 

The Dutch Governor in 1643, and the English Governor 
in 1665, prohibited the sale of spirituous liquors to them. 

In 1656, the town of Jamaica imposed a fine of 30 guilders 
on any one who should sell strong drink to an Indian. 

The number and character of the Indians, rendered it pru- 
dent for the first settlers to guard against surprise, and to be 
prepared to re-is* uny attack by them. The several towns 
required every man to furnish himself with arms and ammuni- 
tion, and to assemble at an appointed plice in case of an 
alarm. In some of the English towns, a block house or small 
fort was erected as a place of security in time of danger. 

The people of Gravesend in the infancy of their -settlement 
inclosed their village with pallisadoes. 

The Dutch Governor in 1645, and the English Governor 
in 1665, forbid the sale of arms and ammunition to the In- 
dians. 

In 1641, the town of South Hampton resolved that if any 
one should sell any warlike implements to the Indians, he 
should forfeit his whole personal effects. In 1050, the town 
of East Hampton resolved that whosoever should sell powder, 
lead or shot, sword or flint to any Indian, he should be liable 
to the penalty 20s. and if any one should sell a gun or pistol 
to one, he shotdrl pa}' £10. 

It may have been partly in consequence of the dr-slruction 
of their warriors, in their recent wars, and of their military 
spirit being broken by their subjection to successive con- 
querors ; but it was principally by cultivating the friendship 
of the chiefs, and particularly of ihe grand sachem of the 
whole, by respecting their rights and treating them with uni- 
form justice and kindness, by preventing excitement by artifi- 
cial means, and by rendering success hopeless by withholding 
the means necessar}' to insure it, that the whites were exempted 
from any hostile comoinations of the Long Island Indians. 

In 1655, a large body of Indians consisting of 500 and up- 
wards, from Jersey and the nortu river, landed at New Am- 
sterdam, where they were provoked into hostilities and did 
much injury. They then went to Staten-Island and commit- 
ted great hav c there, and a party of them passed over to 
Long Island and threatened Gravesend, but retired without 
doing much injury. T u foi 'ifi ati-Mis of New Amsterdam, 
and of the villages in its vicinity, by enclo>ures oi palis.iUoes, 
was to secure them against the same Indians, who from 1640 



02 

io 1663 committed many acts of hostility on the Diilcli set- 
tlements.* 

That none of the Long-Island Indians were concerned in 
these depredations is evident from the admission in the Dutch 
records, that those Indians had originally no hostile designs 
against tiiat plare, but were then on their route to the east end 
of Long-Island to make rar on the Indians there. 

This b'^iief is corroborated by the fact, that in the treaty 
made at Hempstead, March I2lh 1656, with Tacapausha, the 
Governor stipulated not to make peace with those Indians 
who did the damage at Manhattan in September 1655, with- 
out including them, for which no other reason can be given 
than that they were the enemies of the Long-Island Indians, 

Of the Battle at Fort JVeck. 

The only rencounter of any importance between the whiles 
and the Indians on Long island, of which we have any ac- 
count from history or tradition, is one that took place at Fort 
Neck, on the south side in Oysterbay, which seems to have 
been the principal seat of the Marsapeague Indians, 

The war in Europe between the Dutch and English, which 
continued from 1652, to 1654, had an influence upon their re- 
spective colonists. 

In the Spring of 1653, it was believed that the Dutch gov- 
ernment contemplated the expulsion of the English from the 
territories which they claimerl, extending from the Delaware 
to Connecticut river, including the whole ofLong-Island. 

* The statement in the text is supported by the authority of the "Dutch records, 
August 1640, several plinters were !Tii~?icred by thein at Staten Island ; 1642 the 
Governor ordered an attack on the savages. 

February 26th, 164:5, tlie Governor complained of the insolence of the savages for 
two or three years p isl— that they came in droves of 50, in sight of the fort — that they 
liad taken horses, cow?, hogs and geese, and had murdered seven persons and refused 
to give up the murderers, and ordeied preparations for an attack. 

In 1644, a general war was commenced with the savages north of the Sound and 
west of the Connecticut settlements, which lasted till the summer of 1646, and was 
terminated by a great battle at Strickland's plain, in Horseneck, in which the Dutch 
with difficulty obtained the victory. 

September 3th, 1655, a body of Indians landed near the fort at New Amsterdam in 
64 canoes„'consisting of more than 500 warriors, on an expedition against the Indians on 
the East end of Long- Island. Some of them broke into an house which provoked 
an affray. The Indians were attacked by a detachment from the fort, and compelled 
to embark, but they continued in the neighborhood three days, killed fifty persons and 
took one hundred prisoners, burnt forty-eight houses and destroyed cattle and did mnch 
damage. Tliey then landed on Staten Island, massacred sixty-seven persons, crossed 
the Narrows and surrounded Gr ivesend, which was relieved by aid from the city. 

February 7th, 1660, the Governor states that during his administration of twelve 
years, upwards of twenty persons had been killed by the Indians. 

January 7th, 1663, the Governor complains that the Indians had killed eighteen 
persons and taken ten prisoners within a short time before that date, and had burnt 
and destroyed houses and other property, 

June 7th, 1663, the Indians attacked Esopus, burnt part of the town, killed and 
wounded a number of the inhabitants, and took many of them prisoners. 



63 

A Dutch fleet was expected from Europe and the Dutch 
Governor was suspected of tampering with the Indians to pro- 
cure their co-operation.* 

The Indians in many places suddenly began to manifest a 
hostile carriage towards the English. Several chiefs on 1 ong- 
Tsland sent a messenger to Stamford to inform the English 
that they had been offered guns, swords, amnjunition and 
clothing by the Dutch officers, if they would join them to de- 
stroy the English. It seems also, that efforts were made, and 
in some cases with success, to induce them to renounce theiv 
grand sachem. 

Captain John Underbill, was seized by a guard of soldiers 
and carried from Flushing to New Amsterdam, where he 
was confined by the Fiscal, for reporting what the Indians had 
declared respecting his attempts to enlist them against the En- 
glish, until what he had reported against the Fiscal was proved 
to his face to be true 

May 24th, Captain Underbill wrote to the Commissioners 
of the United colonies, and represented to them that all the 
English were in extreme danger, and added " that he had put 
bis life in his hand to save English blood, that he was waiting 
their orders witli loyalty to them and the Parliament, to vin- 
dicate the rights of the nation." 

The English towns on the Island, as well those which had 
been settled under the Dutch as the English, were alarmed for 
their safety. 

The people of Hempstead represented that they were in the 
utmost danger, and wrote in the most pressing manner, for 
arms and ammunition to defend themselves. 

March 26th, 1653, the town of East Hampton, resolved that 
no person should sell any kind of provisions to ihe Indians, 
" during the time of the neighbours plantation being in this pos- 
ture" 

April 15th, they ordered " that there should be a v atch and 
ward ; that two men should watch every night, and one is to 
ward every day." 

* The Dutch Governor denied the existence of any such plan, or of any concert with 
the Indians; and proposed that persons should be sent to examine into facts. Three 
persons were sent for this purpose, and he appointed three to act witii them The En- 
glish commissioners were not satisfied with two of the Dutch commissioners, nor witli 
the manner in which the Governor required the testimony to be taken, and returned 
without accomplishing the object of their mission or having their suspicions dimin- 
ished. 

That such a plot was formed was firmly believed on Long Island at the time, nor can 
the change in the disposition of the Indians, and especially their renunciation of the 
authority of the Montauk chief, who was a warm friend of the English, be accounted 
for in any other way. The Dutch Governor may have been ignorant of the intrigues of 
the fiscal with the Indians, but that such intrigues took place can hardly be doubted by 

Ay one who will examine the evidence. 



64 

April 26th, they resolved " that no Indian should come to 
the town unless on special occasion, and that none should 
come armed, heqause that the Dutch have hired Indians against 
the English, and because the Indians have cast off their sachem. 

May 6 th, fhey agreed to send to Connecticut f(;r a firkin of 
powder, and shot equivalent, and ordered " that every man on 
any alarm should appear forthwith at the meeting house, and 
that no man should go from the town to work or stay in 
another town under the penalty of 40s. for every day's ab- 
sence." 

April I4th, 1653, the town of South Hampton passed a re- 
solution " that every male between sixteen and sixty, should 
watch and ward as occasion is and that no one should sell 
any corn to the Indians pending the war between the English 
and Indians." 

June 16th, they sent a messenger to Captain Mason, at the 
mouth of Connecticut river, to procure a stock of afnmunition. 

The Commissioners of the United colonies with the excep- 
tion of those of Massachusetts, were for declaring immediate 
war against the Dutch. 

Captain Underbill in July went to Rhode Island, as is con- 
jectured for assistance against the Indians who had joined the 
Dutch on Long-Island, and " with such Englishmen as he 
could obtain, made the best defence in his power." 

The public records furnish no further light on this subject ; 
we are compelled therefore to resort to tradition to learn the 
result of the state of things that then existed in relation to the 
English and Indians on Long-Island. 

The tradition is that a number of Indians whose intentions 
were supposed to be hostile to the English, had collected at or 
near Marsapeague, at which place they had a Fort on a Neck 
called from that circumstance Fort Neck, the remains of which 
are still to be seen, which they then constructed for their de- 
fence or which had been erected on some former occasion for 
the like purpose.* 

That Captain John Underbill led a party against them — 
attacked and destroyed a number of them to prevent the re- 
union of the Indians, to watch their movements and guard the 
English settlements against their incursions.f 

* The F»rt is situated near the Meadows, about the centre of the Neck. Us form 
is quadrangular with an opening of about 12 feet wide at the south east angle. The 
ditch lis now three feet deep, and the embankment as much as three feet above the 
level of the adjoining plain — it probably extends about ten rods one way, and six the 
other. 

t Captain John Unnderhill came from England to Massachusetts. He had served 
an officer in the British forces in the low countries in Ireland and at Cadiz, and he 



«5 

April I6tli, 1GG3, the Dutch Goveraor complaioedjthat 
ixovernor Winthrop had not, according to agreement, deliver- 
ed up Fort Solomon on Long-Island^ to the Dutcli. 

It is presumed that Fort Solomon was the one on Fort 
Neck ; it was in Oysterbay, to more or less of which the Dutch 
laid claim ; and was the only Fort in possession of the En- 
glish, within the territory which the Dutch at that time pre- 
tended to claim. 

Whether Captain Underhill received orders from the Com- 
missioners of the United Colonies to go against the Indians, i« 
not known. The measure may have been warranted by the 
state of things at the time, and may have saved the English 
settlements from massacre and devastation. 

It is probable that these Indians had been gained over by the 
Dutch, and had assembled in order to aid them in the projected 
enterprize against the English, and that the transaction took 
place in the fall of lG5o. 

The project of the Dutch miscarried by their inability to 
• unite the Indians in the scheme ; by the defeat of the Dutch 
fleet, and the subsequent peace. 

The Colonists resumed their friendly relations, but the im- 
pressions made on the minds of the English by the sanguinarv 
project of the Dutch Government were never effaced, but bv 
the conquest in 1664. 

.June 11th, 1666, the Englisii Governor held a treaty at 
Hempstead with Takapausha, the Marsapeague sachem, and 
other tribes who had probably thrown off the authority of 
their grand sachem, and had united with the Dutch against 
the English, by which they made peace with the English and 
submitted to their government. • 

acted a distinginshed par' in the war with the Peqtiot': (hiring the year IC'SG and 1637, 
and had some difficulty with the Church at Boston, which seems to liave heen adjusted 
before he loft there. After the termination of that \v;ir he removed to Connecticut. 
:»nd settled at Stamford. He was a delegate from that town to the general court at 
New-Haven in 1643, and was appointed an assistant Justice there. During that year 
he was sent for by the Dutch Governor to take command in the war which the Dutch 
were about to commence with the Indians, situated north of the Sound and west of the 
Connecticut settlements, which lasted till the Summer of 1646, and was terminated by 
a great battle at Strickland's Plain, in Horseneck, in wliich the Dutch with difficulty 
obtained the victory. 

After the conclusion of this war, in which he acted a principal part, he settled at 
Flushing on Long-Island. He had some agency in detecting and exposing tiie intrigues 
of the Dutch Treasurer with the luch'ans in ]H!}3. 

He wrote to the Commissioners of t!>e United Colonies, tendered them hisservicef, 
and may have acted under their orders in attacking Fort Neck. 

Fn 1665, lie was a delegate from the town of Oysterbay to the Assembly held at 
Hempstead by Governor Nicholls, and was appointed by him under Sheriff of the north, 
riding of Yorkshire or Queens County. 

In 1667, the IVIatinecoc .Indians gave him 150 acres of land, which has remained lo 
the family ever since ; and is now in possession of one of his descendants that bears his 
tiarae. It is supposed Captain Underhill died in 1672 at Ovsterbav. 





G6 

"\V'e have no lurtlier account of any difficuity ^ith liie Long- 
Island Indians unlil the tioie of King Philip's war. This was 
the most destructive Indian war in which the New-England 
colonies had ever been involved, ' It commenced in June 1675, 
and lasted till August 167G, and during its continuance was 
attended with great destruction of property and the loss of 
many valuable lives. 

Fron^ the proximity of Narraganset to Montauk, it was 
apprehended that the Long-Island Indians might be seduced 
by the Narragansets to aid them in their hostilities against the 
whites. 

To prevent this, the Governor of New-York determined to 
cut off all intercourse between them. 

December I3th, 1675, the Governor ordered all the canoes 
east of Hell-Gate to be seized and delivered to the Constables, 
to be laid up and secured within three days, and also ordered 
that all such canoes as should be found in the Sound after that 
time, should be destroyed. 

This measure deprived the Indians of the means of crossing, 
the Sound, and effectually prevented their lending any assis- 
tance to the hostile Indians. 

Since that period no danger seems to have been apprehend- 
ed from the Indians on Long-Island, and from that time they 
have gradually diminished and disappeared till only a few fa- 
milies are left. 

Of the 'political condition of the several Towns in the Dutch 
Territory on Long-Island. 

The States General of the United Belgic Provinces, in their 
grant to the Dutch West-India company, in 1621, reserved 
to themselves the power of commissioning the governor whom 
they should appoint. 

The object of this reservation was to connect the interests 
of the company with the mother country, and to secure the 
supreme control over the whole empire. 

The first Governor mentioned in the Dutch records, is 
Wouter Van Twiller, who arrived at New-Amsterdam, now 
New-York, in June, 1629. 

It is intimated in a letter of Governor Kieft, that Peter jNli- 
uuit preceded Van Twiller, and very probably he was prece- 
ded by others, either as commercial or political superinten- 
dents of the Dutch establishments. 

William Kieft succeeded Van Twiller in March, 1638, and 
he was succeeded by Peter Stuyvesant in May, 1647, who 
coniinued in power till the conquest by the English, in 1664. 



Vu 

All the powers of government, executive, It'f^islative and 
judicial, civil and ecclesiastical, were vested in the governor 
and council. 

The governor, directly or indirectly, appointed all public 
officers — framed all the laws, and decided all important con- 
troversies, heard appeals from subordinate magistrates, and 
required them to send such cases as were pending before them, 
to the council, to be decided as he thought fit. 

x\pril 12th, 1660, the governor ordered the magistrates of 
Rustdorpe, or Jamaica, to refer a certain cause then depend- 
ing before them, to the council to be determmcd. 

April 26th, 1660, the magistrates of Middleburgh or New- 
Town, were ordered to do the same. 

The governor ordered churches to be built — he installed 
ministers, and directed where and when they should preach, 
and he excluded such from teaching, whose tenets he did not 
approve. 

The governor had the sole prerogative over the public 
lands. — The Indian title was extinguished by hin), or by in- 
dividuals with his consent. 

The governor granted such lands as had been purchased of 
the Indians, to individuals or companies for settlement. — 
These grants were generally, if not uniformly made subject 
to a reservation or quit-rent of one tenth of the produce, to 
become payable ten years after the date of the grant. 

From the complaints of the delegates who met in 1653, to 
lay thi'ir grievances before the Governor and council, it ap- 
pears that the governor exercised his prerogative in a capri- 
cious manner, sometimes refusing lands to settlers, and at 
other times making large grants to favourites. 

Of the Dutch Towns. 

It appears that the Dutch towns were settled by the casual 
concurrence of individuals, without any previous regulations 
relative to their organization or the administration of justice 
among them. Nor does it appear that they entered into any 
bond of union among themselves for self government. 

In the infancy of the settlements, the governor appointed 
magistrates in the several villages, with more or less power 
as he judged proper, without any uniformity as to their num- 
ber or title of office. 

In 1660, on a petition of the inhabitants of New-Utrecht, 
the governor appointed a scout or constable, a secretary, and 
an assessor, with power to divide the land that was held in 
common, by lot among the proprietors — to see that the fields 



1K«^ 

were t'enceci — lo open a common street thro' the village — to 
erect a block-house in the centre, with a mill in it, and a well 
hy it, at the common expense, and to decide all differences, 
and to do as all other subaltern village courts are accustomed 
to do. 

From this it appears that the first magistrates in the several 
villages, had full power to regulate the police, and provide for 
he security of the village. 

After the settlers had become more numerous, and the 
towns were enlarged, they were permitted to choose their own 
magistrates, subject to tlie approbation of the governor. — It 
would also seem that the powers of the magistrates were 
then enlarged, but were not defined by any general law, and 
were in a great measure discretionarj^ 

In 1646, Brooklyn was permitted to choose two magis- 
trates, who were authorised " to give judgment in all events 
as they should deem proper, not contrary to the charier of 
New-Netherland;" and to give complete effect to their autho- 
rity, the governor ordered that if any one disobeyed the de- 
cision of the magistrates, he should forfeit his right to the 
lands within the village.* 

In 1661, the gover.ior enlarged the powers of the magis- 
trates, or rather established a new court with larger and more 
definite powers than he had before granted. — The magistrates 
who were chosen and allowed for this court, were authorised 
to decide all controversies between master and servant, master 
and apprentice, buyer and seller, landlord and tenant, and 
also to take cognizance of breaches of the peace, and other 
misdemeanors. 

The Dutch courts proceeded according to the rules of the 
oivil law, which was the Dutch common law. 

The Dutch towns seem to have been governed principally 
by the ordinances of police enjoined by their magistrates. 

Of the English Towns under the Dutch. 

The English who settled the towns of Hempstead, Graves- 
end, Flushing, Jamaica and Newtown, became Dutch subjects, 
and were permitted to hold land, enjoy liberty of conscience, 
and to cl^oose their own magistrates, subject to the approba- 
tion of the governor. 

Hempstead and Gravesend were incorporated towns, and 
were authorised to choose their own magistrates, who were 
to be presented to the governor for his approbation, and also 
a scout and clerk. 

* This privilege seems not to have been extended to any other town, from which it is 
pTcsumed that no other town was »t that time so populous as to require them. 



«9 

"L'lie magistrates were vested with power to hold courts ci- 
vil and criminal with a limited jurisdiction, and to make 
o^rdinances for the welfare and good government of the towns 
respectively. 

Flushing was also partially incorporated, but was by its 
charter, only authorised to elect a scout or constable with 
power to preserve good order, heal differences, and report all 
cases of importance to the governor. — It is probable that the 
people of Flushing were afterwards indulged with the power 
of choseing magistrates like the other towns, 

Jamaica and Newtown were permitted to choose their own 
magistrates, subject to tlie confirmation of the governor. — It 
was the practice in these, if not in all the English towns, to 
choose double the number to which they were entitled, out of 
which the governor named those that should serve. 

In all the English towns, the pec -pie chose a certain num- 
ber of men, whom they called townsmen, to superintend the 
civil concerns of the town for which they were elected. — 
They co-operated with the magistrates in the incorporated 
towns, and in the other towns made all such regulations as 
they judged beneficial to the town; (except such as related to 
the admission of settlers and the granting of lands,) which 
were to be submitted to the people in town-meeting for them 
to confirm or annul.* 

It is probable the courts in the English towns for some 
time decided without a jury; but towards the latter part of 
the time they were imder the Dutch, they seem in one town, 
at least to have made an effort to adopt the principles of the 
common law. 

December 1st, 1663, the town of Jamaica resolved in town 
meeting, that the magistrates of that town should proceed 
"according to the laws of England, as near as they could." 

The English towns under the Dutch government, seem to 
have been governed principally by the ordinances of their 
townsmen, and the acts made at iheir town meetings. 

* The power of the townsmen seems to have extended to all such regulations as 
related to the police of the towns — they prescribed rules for the making and repair- 
ing of fences -they regulated the time when the cattle should be turned into the 
common fields and taken out, and prescribed the rules by which the herdsmen were 
to be governed. March 17th, 16i9, the miigisti-ates of Hempstead resolved "to 
stand by and bear out the townsmen in giving effect to all such lulfs and orders as 
they should make for the good of the town that year, except such .is relate to the ad- 
mission of inhabitants and the grantiug of land." — These last two powers were in all 
the towns reserved as the sole prerogative of the whole people in town meeting. 

It was usual for the magistrates of Hempstead, after every election, at least for a 
series of years, to adopt similer reBolutions. 



70 

Of the tyranny and imbecility of the Dutch Government. 

It seems that the governor sported with the rights of the 
people, by wantonly rejecting such magistrates as they had 
chosen, merely to gratify his humor or caprice. This arbi- 
trary exercise of authority, was deemed an abuse of power, 
and wa.-. s-i probated both by the magistrates and the people. 

It would also seem that the goverimnent was iM)t suited to 
the vyishes nor adequate to the protection of the people. — 
The laws were not adapted to the state of society, nor equal 
to the exigencies of the times, or were badly executed — and 
the governor and council were incompetent or indisposed to 
remedy the evils ; and there was a great defect in the admin- 
istration ofjustice. 

Public insecurity produced general discontent; the people 
became dissatisfied with the existing state of things, and lan- 
guished for the blessings of good government. 

They at length determined to lay their grievances before 
the governor and council. 

On an invitation of the burgomasters of New Amsterdam, 
a convention of delegates from several towns met in that city, 
November 26th, 1653, and adjourned to the 1 1th of December 
ensuing, when delegates appeared from the City, Brooklyn, 
Flatbush, Flatlands, Gravesend, Newtown, Flushing and 
Hempstead. 

They agreed on a remonstrance to the governor and coun- 
cil on the subject of their grievances, which was well drawn 
and expressed in spirited, but decent language. 

They remonstrated against the exclusion of the people from 
all share in Legislation — against the operation of old and ob- 
soletelaws — against withholding grants of land to settlers, 
and making extravagant grants to particular individuals — 
against the appointment of magistrates without the consent of 
the people, and against the neglect of effectual provision for 
the defence of the country. 

To this the governor and council gave no answer to the 
deputies, but entered a reply on their minutes, denied the 
right of some of the towns, particularly Brooklyn, Flatbush 
and Flatlands to send deputies, and protested against the 
meeting. 

In their observations on the remonstance, the governor and 
council reflect much u:) the English as the authors of the 
public discontent, and particidarly on George Baxter, one of 
the deputies from the town of Gravesend, to whom they evi- 
dently impute the draught of the remonstrance. 



71 

December 13tli, the deputies presented another remon- 
strance in which they declare, that if they could not obtain 
redress or protection from the governor and council, they 
must appeal to their superiors in the Netherlands. — This so 
irritated the governor, that he ordered them to disperse and 
forbid their assembling again. 

At this period, the country seems to have been overrun with 
robbers, and that there was no adequate authority to redress 
the evil. 

April 7th, 1654, the magistrates of Brooklyn, Flatbush 
and Flatlands, united in forming a military company against 
" robbers and pirates," and agreed that there should be a 
sergeant in each village 

April 8th, 1654, the governor issued a proclamation 
against certain robbers, who (as he states,) had been banish- 
ed from New-England, and were wandering about on Long- 
Island. 

In ji654, the governor refused to confirm the election of 
Gi^orge Baxter and James Hubbard, who had been chosen 
magistrates that year for the town of Gravesend. 

These two men were among the original patentees of ihe 
town, had been frequently chosen magistrates, and had uni- 
formly enjoyed the confidence of their fellow citizens.* 

The rejection or removal of these magistrates, excited so 
great a ferment in Gravesend, that the governor found it ne- 
cessary to go tliere to appease it. November 23d, 1654, the 
governor went to Gravesend, and to efTeci ids purpose, he was 
obliged to avail himseli of the influence of Lady Moody, a 
coiuiection of Sir Henry Moody, one of the original paten- 
tees. He conceded the nomination of the magistrates that 
year to her; and her popularity reconciled the people to the 
measure, and produced submission to the arbitrary act of the 
governor. 

* George Baxtc had been an ensign, and James Hulibard a sergeant in the Brilisit 
service, and are so named in tlie charter or Grivesend. — They both seem to have 
beeinnen of considerable capacity, and were generally entrusted with the manage- 
ment of the public aflfairs of that town. 

Baxter seems to have been a man of talents and education. — In 1642, Governor 
Kieft, appointed him his English secretary to write his letters, with a salary of 250 
guilders a year, in consideration of his talents anil knowledge of ihe English lan- 
guage and of the law. — He was appointed by Governor Stuyvesant himself, one of the 
commissioners who negotiated the treaty of Haitford, in 1650, by which the boundary 
between Xhe Dulcli and English territories was established. — He was one of tiie depu- 
ties to the convention that met in 165:5, to lay the grievances of the country before 
the governor and council, and it was to him that the governor ascribed the spirited 
remonstrance which gave him such' offence, which probably was the cause of his re- 
jection, and that of his colleague with whom he had long been intimately associated. 

Baxter had been educated in the principles of English liberty, and could not endure 
the tyranny of the Dutch governor ; his opposition to it made him the victim of his 
persecution, and it is supposed that he ^as oblig'^d to leave the colony to escape his 
vesentnient. 



72 

November 1st, J 663, the governor, under the apprehension 
that it was the design of the English to invade the Dutch ter- 
ritories, convened a meeting of the magistrates of most of 
the Dutch villages at New Amsterdam. The meeting was 
composed of the magistrates of New Amsterdam, Rensselaer- 
wick, Beverwick, Harlaem, Bergen, Staten-lsland, Flatlands, 
Flatbush, Brooklyn, Utrecht and Bushwick. 

This convention after hearing what the governor had to 
communicate, adjourned without doing any thing. 

The government had become unpopular ; the Dutch were 
disgusted with it, and the English were anxious for a change. 

The English towns under the Dutch jurisdiction, had for 
some time determined to withdraw themselves from the Dutch 
government They had held a meeting at Hempstead the pre- 
ceding winter, and had agreed to put themselves under the 
jurisdiction of Connecticut ; in consequence of which, the 
general assembly of that colony, March 10th, 1663, appoint- 
ed two commissioners, " to go to Long-Island, to settle the 
government on the wes« end of the Island, according to the 
agreement at Hempstead, in February last." 

In November, 1663, the English embodied at Jamaica, in 
such force, that the governor did not deem it prudent to at- 
tempt to disperse them. 

The colony continued in this perplexed and unsettled state, 
till the ensuing year, when the English vessels arrived, and 
on the 27th August, Old Style, 1664, a treaty was signed, by 
which the colony of New Neiherland was surrendered to the 
crown of Great-Britain. 

Of the English Government after the Conquest, till the Ameri- 
can revolution. 

By the conquest, the whole of Long Island was incorpo- 
rated with the colony of New-York, and became subject to 
the Duke of York. 

The English towns that had been subject to the Dutch, re- 
joiced that they wert Irttd from their subjection to a go- 
vernment which they disliked, and the other English towns 
rejoiced ihal ili^y v»jk' rp|iovf>ri from p 11 further appi-hen- 
sions, from the jealousy and ambition of a foreign power in 
their neighbourhood. 

The eastern towns would have preferred the continuance of 
their connection with the colony of (. onnecticut, and reluc- 
tantly submitted to its dissolution. 

All the English towns, as well those that had been set- 
tled under the Dutch, as those that had been connected with 



73 

Connecticut, rlattered themselves wiilj the expectation that 
thev should be admitted to the common privilege of British 
subjects, of participatinj^ in the formation of tlio laws by 
which they were to be governed. 

It was not long, however, before they discovered that they 
had been too sanguine in their expectations. 

Richard Nicolls, the deputy governor, under the Duke of 
York, on tiie first of March, 1665, convened a meeting at 
Hempstead, of two deputies from every town on the Island, 
and two from Westchester, for the purpose of organizing tlie 
government, of adjusting interfering purchases, and settling 
the limits of the several towns.* 

At this meeting, it is presumed that Long-Island and Sta- 
ten Island, were erected into a shire, by the name of Yorkshire, 
and divided into three ridings. 

Staten Island and Newtown, with the several towns in 
Kings county, formed the west riding — the towns of Jamaica, 
Flushing, Hempstead and Oyslerbay,f formed the \orth Rid- 
ing, and the several towns in Suffolk formed the East Riding. 

The governor appointed a high sherift' for the whole shire, 
and a deputy sheriff or high constable for each riding, and a 
justice of the peace for each town. 

At the same meeting, the governor promulgated a code of 
laws, which were principally compiled from those of the other 
English colonies, and which he had caused to be framed for 
tlie government of the colony. 

These laws with the alterations and additions made to them 
from time to time, by the governor and court of assize, con- 
tinued to be the laws of the colony until October 1683, when 
the first colony legislature met, and the people were admitted 
to a share in the legislative power. 

These laws which are called the Duke's laws, authorised the 
several towns to elect a constable and eight overseers, who 
were the assessors of the town, and with the constable were 

* While at this meeting, the deputies fijned an address to the Duke of York, full 
of gratitude and loyalty, whicii a< soon as their constihients found that they were not 
to have the choice of their own magistrates, nor any ?l>are in legislation was severely 
reprobated, and the deputies were so much censured for pwltiog their signatures to it 
that it was deemed necessary to check the spirit of disaffection by authority. — The 
court of assize in October 166(5, resolved that " wliosoever hereafter, shall any ways 
detract or speak against any of the deputies for signing the address to his Royal High- 
ness, at the general meeting at Hempstead, they shall be presented to the next court 
of sessions, and if the justices shall see cause, they shall from thence he bound over to 
the assizes, there to answer for the slander upon plaint or information. 

f By an order of the governor and court of assize, in 1675, Staten Island was de- 
taciied from Long-Island, and permitted " to have a jurisdiction itself," and in 1683 
was erected into a separate county. Newtown continued attached to Kings county, 
until the organization of the counties by the first general assembly, iu 1683, when it 
was made a part of Queens countv. 

10 



erupowercd to make regulations respecting matters that con- 
cerned the welfare of the town. 

The principal courts established by these laws, were the 
town court, the court of sessions, and ti)e court of assize. 

By subsequent amendments of the original laws, the town 
court was composed of the constable and two overseers, and 
had cognizance of all causes under five pounds — and the jus- 
tice of the peace was authorised, but not required to preside 
in this court.* 

The court of sessions was established in each riding, and 
was to be held twice a year. It was composed of the justices of 
the peace of the several towns in the riding, each of whom was 
allowed £20 a year — and had jurisdiction of all criminal cau- 
ses, and of civil causes over £5. — The judgments of this court 
for sums under £20, were final — from such as were for more 
than that sum, the parties might appeal to the court of assize. 

Causes were tried in this court by a jur^ of seven men, in 
civil cases, and in criminal cases not capital, and the verdict 
was determined by the voice of a majority ; but in capital ca- 
ses the jury consisted of twelve men, and they were required 
to be unanimous. 

By an order of the governor, the members of the council, 
the secretary of the colony, and the high sheriff, were autho- 
rised to sit with the justices in the court of sessions.j 

* By the laws of 1G65, tlie conftable and overseers of each town, were the assey- 
sors of the town — and also had power to make such regulations of police as were ne- 
i.-csisary to the welfare and improvement to tbe town. 

The method in which money for public use was raised, was for the high sheriff to 
issue liis warrant to the deputy sheriffs of the several ridings or coimties, and they is- 
sued tliem to the constables and overseers of each town, who made the assessments 
and collected the tax. 

By an act of ttie first assembly, in 1683, in the room of overseers, commissioners 
were ordered to be chosen to perform the duties of assessors and overseers of the 
poor. — The public charges of the several counties were adjusted by a committee com- 
posed of a commissioner from each town. 

By an act of the legislature, of 1703, the several towns in each county were autho- 
rised to choose a supervisor to adjust tlie contingent expenses of the county, aud as- 
sessors and a collector to make tlie assessment and collect the tax. 

By the Duke's laws, tlie courts of sessions took the proof of wills which were recor- 
ded, the originals were sent to " the office of records" at New-York, and Uie executois 
received a copy theieof with a certificate of its being allowed, attested under the seal 
of the office 

By an act of 1692, the proof of wills was ordered to be taken by the courts of com- 
mon pleas, or by two judges, and two justices of the peace out of court, and transmitted 
to the secretary's office in all the counties ^except New-York, Kings, Richmond and 
Westchester,) and the probate was issued by a delegate appointed by the governor for 
that purpose. 

This arrangement continued till 1778, when by an act of the legislature of tiiis statf, 
surrogates were ordered to be appointed by the governor and council, of appointment 
in every county — and our present system was established. 

+The records of this court as originally constituted, and as reorganized by the act of 
1683, are still to be found in the clerks' offices of Kings, Queens and Suffolk.— In 



to 

The court oi' assize was composed ot" the governor and 
council, attended by more or less magistrates, and was held 
once a year in the city of New-York.* 

Suits for demands exceeding £20, might be commenced in 
this court, by permission of the governor — so that it had ori- 
ginal as well as appellate jurisdiction, and it was a court of 
equity as well as of common law, 

Oj the tyranny of the Duke's Government. 

The Duke's laws made no provision for a general assem- 
bly, nor did they give the people any voice in the government. 
The governor possessed unlimited powers. He was comman- 
der-in-chief — all public officers were appointed by him, and 
held their offices during his pleasure. He, aided by the court 
of assize, had the exclusive power of legislation, could make 
what laws he pleased, and could alter or repeal them whem 
he pleased. — He presided in the court of assize, which by ap- 
peal, had the control of all inferior tribunals. The judg- 
ments and decrees of this court, were probably siich as the 
governor dictated, his assistants not being colleagues, but me- 
rely advisers who held their authority under him. 

In this court the governor united the character of botli 
judge and legislator. He interpreted his own acts, and not only 
pronounced what the law was, but what it should be. — All 
laws subsequent to the code first promulgated, except in one 
or two instances in which the governor professedly acted 
alone, are stated in the caption or preface, to have been made 
at the court of assize. 

The court of assize was calculated, and probably intended 
to lessen the responsibility of the governor without diminish- 
ing his power. There are various orders emanating from 
this court at different periods — altering the old laws or Intro- 
Queens and Suffolk tliey are less complete, but in Kings, there is a regular series of 
them from 1608 to 171 1. From these records it appeirs to have been a common prac- 
tice for tlie secretary of the colony, a member of the council, or tiie high sherifl" to set 
and act in court with the justices— In the record of the court held at Gi'avesend, De- 
cember 13th, 1671, Mathias Nicholl, the secretary, is styled president of the court. — 
This court was held at Gravesend from its origin, till 1686, when it was removed to 
Flatbush by virtue of an act of the colony legislature. 

There is also an entire, copy of the acts of the first assembly, passed in 1683, and iu 
1684, with one, if not more, which mast have been passed bv the second assembly in 
1685. 

* It would seem that the number of magistrates who attended the court of assize, 
was not limited. The number seems to have been considered a grievance by encreas- 
ing the expense without adding to the wisdom of its decision. 

In the act of 1784, passed for its repeal, it is alledged that it had "become a 
great charge and expence to the Province, and by reason of the great number not so 
fit and capable to hear and determine matters and causes of a civil nature usually 
brought to the eaid court ;" and it was for these reasons abolished. 



7() 

ducing new ones, some of which were partial and arbitrary, 
as is usually the case wljere the people have no share in le- 
gislation. 

Of the public discontent. 

The people oii Lonp^-Island considered some of the la.vs 
established by the original code, as arbitrary and oppressive, 
and they deemed some that were afterwards published, still 
more exceptionable. 

They at length resolved to represent their grievances to the 
governor and court of assize, and to pray for redress. 

October 9th, 1669, the towns of Hempstead, Jamaica, Oys- 
lerbay, Flushing, Newtown, Gravesend, Westchester and 
Eastchester, severally petitioned the court of assize for 
redress. 

They enumerated the defects in the existing laws, which 
they wished to be remedied — stated the provisions which they 
wished to be adopted — remonstrated against the restrictions 
which the governor had imposed on trade, and reprobated 
the exclusion of the people from any share in legislation. 

The court received the petitions, granted some of their mi- 
nor requests, but in the most important cases refused any 
redress. 

The town of South Hampton was purchased under the au- 
thority of the agent of the Earl of Stirling, while he held the 
Island, which they supposed superseded the necessity of their 
taking out a patent as was required of other towns, by the 
laws of 1665. 

In consequence of which, the governor and court of assize, 
October 8th, 1670, declared the titles to lands in that town, 
invalid, unless a patent was obtained for them within a limit- 
ed time. 

By an act made at the court of assize^, October 8th, 1670, 
a levy or contribution was ordered to be made in the several 
towns on Long-Island, to repair the fort at New-York. 

The English colonists on Long-Island, brought with them 
the doctrine that taxation and representation were insepara- 
ble — that the power of disposing of his own money, was the 
inherent right of every British subject, and one of the elemen- 
tary principles of British liberty — and that taxes could only 
be imposed with the consent of the people by their represen- 
tatives in a general assembly. 

The governor had already subjected trade to some imposi- 
tions, and was now attempting to raise money by a direct tax 
for general purposes, without the consent of the people. 



77 

Several of the towns were alarmed at the precedent about 
to be established, as dangerous to their liberties, and deter- 
mined, not to obey it until the great grievance of which they 
complained, was redressed. 

The towns of South Old. South Hampton and East Hamp- 
ton, in a joint meeting, by their delegates at South Old, 
agreed to contribute to the repairing of the fort "it they 
might have the privileges that other of his majesty's subjects 
in these parts have and do enjoy" — alluding to the govern- 
ments of New-England. 

June 24th, 1672, the town of East Hampton, to whom the 
proceedings of the delegates were communicated, approved of 
the decision of the deputies, and agreed to comply with the 
order," if the privileges may be obtained, but not otherwise." 

The towns of Huntington, Flushing, Hempstead and Jamai- 
ca, by votes of their respective town meetings, refused to com- 
ply with the order, and communicated the reasons of their re- 
fusal in writing, to their respective constables and overseers, 
to whom the order was sent. 

The people of Huntington assigned this among other rea- 
sons for their refusal, viz : " because they were deprived of the 
liberties of Englishmen," intimating that they deemed it a vio- 
lation of their constitutional rights, that their money should 
be taken from them without their consent, by their representa- 
tives in a general assemtily. 

The people of Jamaica, in justification of their refusal, al- 
ledged that a compliance with the order, would be contrary 
to the King's instructions, which forbid any law to be enfor- 
ced on tlie country, that " was contrary to the laws of the na- 
tion;" that on the same principle that this order was imposed, 
they might " be required to maintain the garrison, and what- 
ever else we know not. till there be no end ; but if it may ap- 
pear to us that it is the King's absolute order, to impose the 
said burdens and disprivilege us contrary to his former good 
intentions and instructions, and contrary to the liberties his 
majesty's subjects enjoy in all his territories and dominions — 
we shall with patience rest under the said burdens until ad- 
dress be made to the King for relief." 

The votes of Flushing and Hempstead have not been dis- 
covered, but there is no doubt they were to the like effect. 

The constables ol Flushing, Hempstead and Jamaica, laid 
the resolutions of their respective towns before the court of 
sessions of the North Riding, held at Jamaica ; but it seems 
that the court did not act on them. They then laid them be- 
fore the court of sessions of the West Riding which met the 
next week, December 21st, 1670, at Gravesend. That court, 



7t 

assisted by the secretary ol'the colony, and one of the couiicii, 
after examining the writings containing the proceedings of the 
said towns, " adjudged that the said papers were in them- 
selves scandalous, illegal and seditious, tending only to dis- 
affect all tl>e peaceable aud well meaning subjects of his ma- 
jesty, in these his Koyal Highness* territories and doniin- 
ions," and furtl)er ordered, " that the said papers should be 
presented to the governor and council, for them to proceed on 
as tliey shall conceive, will best tend to the suppression of 
false suggestions and jealousies in the minds of peaceable and 
well meaning subjects ; in alienating them from their duty, 
and obedience to the laws." 

Agreeably to this illegal order, the papers were presented 
to governor Lovelace, and were by him laid before the court 
of assize; and that arbitrary tribunal adjudged them to the 
flames, and ordered them to be publicly burnt, before the 
town house of the city, at the next mayor's court to be held 
there.* 

Of the re-conquest with the Dutch. 

During the war between the English and the Dutch which 
continued from 1672, to February 1674, the Dutch attempt- 
ed to recover their authority in this country. 

For this purpose they sent a small squadron with troops to 
re-take New-York, which on the 30'th July 1673, was most 
cowardly surrendered to them by the commander of the Fort, 
without firing a gun, or making any kind of defence. 

The commanders of the expedition, appointed Capt. An- 
thony Colve, Governor of the colony, who immediately set 
about reinstating the Dutch government. 

The new Governor issued a proclamation to the several 
towns on Long-Island, requiring the public officers to come 
to New- York to take the oath of allegiance to the States 
General and the Prince of Orange. 

The Dutch towns, and the English towns that were settled 
under the Dutch, submitted to the new government. 

October 19, 1673, the Dutch government sent William 
Knyff and Anthony Malepart to the English towns requiring 
them to take the oath of allegiance. The western towns 
oflered to sign an agreement to be faithful to the Dutch gov- 

* It was this sage, humane governor Lovelace, who, as Smith in his history of New 
Jersey informs us, in 1668, wrote to Sir Robert Carr, who was then in authority there, 
that the best method to keep the people in order, was " to lay such taxes on them as 
may not give thera lii>erty to entertain any other thoughts but how to discharge 
them." 



79 

ernment, but declined taking any oath that would bind thera 
to take up arms against the crown of England. 

October 25, the Governor sent William Knyffand Nicholas 
Voss to the English towns ; and to induce them to comply 
with his wishes, promised them liberty of conscience security 
of property, the choice of their officers in the sanje way in 
which the like privilege had been enjoyed by the English 
towns under the Dutch, and the same share in government as 
the Dutch, and also consented that the oath of allegiance 
should be so modified as to accommodate their scruples. 

The western towns seem to have consented to yield to the 
wishes of the Governor, on condition that none but the mag- 
istrates should be required to take the oath, and it is conjec- 
tured that this was conceded, and that they submitted on 
those terms. 

The eastern towns declined any compromise. 

October 30, the Governor sent Cornelius Steenwyck, first 
councellor, and two others to the eastern towns to receive 
their submission. They sailed down the Sound as far as 
Shelter-Island, where 'hey fell in wuh Samuel Wyllis and 
Capt. Wintlirop, who had been sent to the Island by Con- 
necticut, to counsel with the eastern towns, and to dissuade 
the Dutch from their purpose. 

The Dutch commissioners visited South Old, where they 
found the people assembled and in arms. They ofiered to 
take their submission in writing, and only required the oath 
of allegiance of the magistrates 

The people of that town refused all manner of submission, 
and the commissioners returned without effecting the object 
of their mission. 

In the mean time, the Governor and the general court ot 
Connecticut, wrote to tiie Dutch Governor, and remonstrated 
against his attempting to extend his jurisdiction over the 
English towns that never had been subject to the Dutch Gov- 
ernment. This only produced a captious correspondence 
between the two governments. The Dutch Governor under- 
took to reduce the eastern towns by force, and Connecticut 
assisted them to repel his attempts.* 

* Trumbull, in his history of Connecticut, states, that the Dutch threatened the 
eastern towns with destruction by fire, and sword, unless they would submit and swear 
allegiance to the States General, that tliey scut ships and an armed force towards the 
east end of the Island, and made several descents, but by the assistance of the troops 
which had been sent by Connecticut, they were in all instances repulsed and driven 
from the Island. 

October 14, 1675, the general court of Connecticut returned Major Treat publi< 
thanks, for his good conduct in defending the colony and tlie towns on Long-Iplanf 
against the Dutch, and for his subsequent service?. 



80 

The Dutch forces sailed down the Sound towards the east 
end of the Island, and attempted several descents, but effected 
nothing except the collection of a sum of mone}' of Nathaniel 
Sylvester, of Shelter-Island, for the property of his brother 
Constant Sylvester, and Thomas Middleton, which the 
Dutch Governor had illegally confiscated, and sold to him. 

March 27, 1674, the Dutch Governor seems to have appre- 
hended that he was in some danger of a retaliation for the 
injuries he had done ; he ordered all vessels to be removed to 
a particular place, lest they should hinder the defence of the 
city, and made provision for the transportation of the neigh- 
bouring villages " in case of attack." 

Peace was concluded February 9, 1674, but no official ac- 
count of it was received till several months afterwards. By 
the treaty all conquests were to be restored to their former 
owners, although the English government was not reinstated 
in the colony, till the ensuing fall. 

The towns of South Old, South Hampton, and East Hamp- 
ton, dreaded the prospect of a return to the Duke's govern- 
ment, and determined to avail themselves of the suspension 
of government, to attempt a renewal of their union with Con- 
necticut. They appointed delegates to meet and concert 
measures for that purpose, who applied to Connecticut to take 
them under her jurisdiction, 

November 17, 1674, the people cf South Old, by a vote of 
their town meeting, declared themselves " to be under the 
government of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, and that 
they would use all lawful means " so to continue." 

December 18, 1674, the town of East Hampton instructed 
the committee of that town, who had the management of the 
business, " to see that all lawful endeavours be put forth to the 
utmost, for our continuance under that government." 

Their endeavours were unavailing, and they were obliged 
however reluctantly, to continue under the Duke of York. 

Restoration of the Duke's Government. 

The colony \*as surrendered to the English the 31st Octo- 
ber the same year, and again became subject to the Duke of 
York, who took'out a new patent for it, appointed a new Gov- 
ernor, and reinstated his former system of government. 

The^new Governor, Sir Edmund Andross, pursued the same 
arbitrary course, that his predecessors had done. By a pro- 
clamation of 26th November 1674, he suspended a term of the 
court of sessions in Suffolk county, and ordered the towns of 
Huntington and Brookliaven to have their business for that 



-8! . 

term transacted at the ensuing court of sessions at Jamaica, 
in Queens county, because the towns of East Hampton, 
South Hampton, and South Old, had not returned the ac- 
counts of the constables and overseers of those towns, accord- 
ing to his orders. 

In April 1682, the same Governor arbitrarily summoned 
several of the inliabitants of Huntington to New-York, and 
caused them to be imprisoned without trial, and without being 
chargeable with any legal offence ; but as is supposed merely 
for having attended a meeting of delegates of the several 
towns, for the purpose of contriving the means of procuring 
a redress of grievances. 

Of the First Colony Assembly. 

Tlie arbitrary measures of the Duke's Governors, produced 
so much discontent, that he was at length compelled to admit 
the people to a share in legislation. 

The first general Assembly met in October 1663; that as- 
sembly adopted a bill of rights, repealed some of the most lab- 
noxious of the Duke's Jaws, altered and amended others, and 
passed such new laws as they judged the circumstances of the 
colony required. 

The innovations made by this assembly on the Duke's 
Jaws for the administration of justice, are contained in the act 
published in the appendix to the second volume of the revised 
laws of New-York of 1813. 

The assembly met again in October 1684. At that session 
they abolished the court of assize, made further alterations in 
the Duke's laws, and enacted several new ones. 

A new assembly was chosen in September 1685, and prob- 
ably met in October ensuing, but we have very little knowl- 
edge of the transactions of this assembly, as there are only two 
or three acts that are supposed to have been passed in 1685, 
to be found on record.* 

* East Hampton, September 21, 1685. — At. a town Mfetiitg, •' warned by special order 
from tlie Governor, for Ihe choosing of Assembl)'men for the county of Suffolk, and 
this town havinj made their choice," &c. They proceeded to appoint a committee to 
unite with committees of the other towns, to draw up a statement of their grievances 
to be laid before the assembly. 

An act recorded in Kings county without date, directs that after the first of Decem- 
ber next ensuing the date thereof, the court of sessions of that county should be re- 
moved from Gravesend to Platbush, and from the records of the court, it appears that 
the last court at Gravesend was held Oct. 7, 1635 ; and the first court at Flatbush, was 
held April 6, 1686, from which it is evident that the act must have been passed in the 
fall of 1685. There is another act that has referenceto one of the preceding year, and 
one or two others which are supposed to have been passed bv the second assembly in 
Octobpr leS.-v 

11 



8-2 

There is no evidence ti)at this assembly ever met again, and 
tio other assembly was afterwards choseii till after the revolu- 
tion in 1691. 

After the organization of the colony legislature in 1683. — 
The Governor still retained many prerogatives which he ex- 
ercised in an arbitrary manner. He retained the whole power 
over the public lands. No purchase could be made without 
his license, and no purchase was of any avail unless confirmed 
by patent, and for this, he extorted such sums as his avarice 
dictated. 

The fees of patents constituted the principal purquisites of 
the Governor, and the quit rent charged on tl\em, formed no 
inconsiderable part of the public revenue. The interest which 
the Governor had in these, operated as an inducement to mul- 
tiply the number of patents, and to enlarge the quit rents as 
much as possible. 

In 1685, Governor Dongan issued a patent for lands, in the 
town of Huntington, which in 1675, had been adjudged by 
the court of assize, to be within the limits of the original pat- 
ent of that town. 

In 1686, he ordered the people ofthattownto purchase 
the lands within their patent, which had not then been pur- 
chased of the Indians, in order that they might be compelled 
to take out a new patent. 

In 1686, or 1687, the same Governor seized their patent ; 
and before he would consent to grant them a confirmation of it, 
they were obliged to raise £29 4 7, which he chose to exact 
for the price of a new patent, and for the favour of their for- 
mer exemption from quit rent. 

Most of the towns on the Island not excepting those settled 
under the Dutch, whose lands were secured by the treaty of 
surrender, were induced by one pretext or another, to take 
out new patents from time to time ; and in cases where the quit 
rent had been fixed in the original patent, it was sometimes, 
if not uniformly, enlarged in the subsequent one. The ex- 
pense of the last patent of Huntington, which was granted at 
a subsequent period, amounted to £56 18 3, of which sum 
£50 was paid to the Governor and public officers. 
Of the Revolution in 1688. 

These, and the like arbitrary proceedings of the Governors 
disgusted the people with the government, and prepared them 
to welcome the revolution of 1688, in favour of William and 
Mary, which promised to introduce a new era in favour of 
civil and religious liberty, and which terminated in the expul- 
sion of James the second from the throne, and forever put an 
end to his authoritv 



Plie news of tlie proceedings in Boston, in favour of the 
revolution, prompted certain persons in New- York to endeav- 
our to take the government out of the hands of the yepresent- 
ative of James II. 

Captain Jacob Lei>.ler, May 31, 1689, put himself at the 
head of the party, and succeeded in seizing the Fort, and as 
(he first ordeVs received from England were directed to such 
person as was in authority here, in the absence of the Lieut. 
Governor, he immediately assumed the reins of government.* 

He wrote to the several towns on the Island, requiring each 
to send two men to aid in guarding the Fort. The people in 
Kings and Queens, submitted to his authority. The towns 
of Huntington and Brookhaven acknowledge him, as Lieut. 
Governor, but sent him no aid. The eastern towns were 
jealous of his intentions, and at first refused to acknowledge 
his authority, but after the failure of their negotiations with 
Connecticut, they all submitted to him. 

The towns of South Old, South Hampton, and East Hamp- 
ton, deemed the crisis favourable to a dissolution of their 
union with an arbitrary government, and while those transac- 
tions were taking place wliich distracted the colony for 
several years, and laid the foundation of future divisions, 
they seized the occasion to open a negotiation with Connec- 
ticut, and made another unsuccessful eii'ort to put themselves 
under the jurisdiction of that colony, the laws and institutions 
of which were more congenial with their ideas of good Gov- 
ernment, than those of any royal province. 

Of the Royal Governors, after the Revolution of 1688. 
The royal Governors after the revolution, with a few hon- 
ourable exceptions^ resembled their predecessors in many 

* It 13 intimated in a note ia Hiitchitison's history of MassacUusetts, that Nicholson, 
the Lieut. Governor, was well affected to the revolution, but that Leisler, wished to 
wrest the government out of the hands of tlie Lieut. Governor, in order to evade the 
payment of tlOO, which he owed for duties, or at least, to avoid paying it to the person 
who then held the office of collector. 

That to effect his purpoae, he caused it to be reported at the east end^of the Island 
that the Fort was in danger of being delivered up to the enemies of the revolution, 
and solicited the people there to aid in its reduction. 

It is further stated, that a military company marched to Jamaica where they halted 
till the officers had an interview with the Lieut. Governor and council, who satisfied 
them that the report was unfounded, and they immediately returned home ; and that 
Leisler was forced on other false alarms to induce the people of the city, to aid him 
in his enterprise. 

This account is countenanced by the records of East Hampton. May 8,1689, the 
town voted " that the militia should go to New-York, to aid in reducing the place." 
It was not till the 3l8t of May, that the people of New- York rose and took the Fort, 
from which it is evident that the militia of East Hampton must have performed their 
tour, and returned home before the reduction of the Fort. 

This representation is still further confirmed by the appointment of Nicholson to the 
government of Virginia, shortly afterwards by King William, which shews that he had 
no suspicion of his attachmeut to the revolation 



S4 

respects. 'I'licy maiiil'tsicd the same disposition to gtt what 
they could from the people, and the same inclination to rule 
without control, although they had less power to gratify their 
wishes. 

They still retained the sole prerogative over the public lands 
and so exercised it as to subserve their own interest, and grat- 
ify their favourites. • 

It was their constant endeavour to have a revenue estab- 
lished independant of the control of the assembly, and to make 
the power of the council concurrent with tjiat of the assembly 
in bills relating to money matters. On these subjects as well 
as some others, they were frequently at strife with the assem- 
blies, and often harrassed them by prorogations and dissolu- 
Vions, in order to worry them into a compliance with their fa- 
vourite measures. The whole colony administration exhibits 
a constant conflict between the claims and encroachments of 
power on the one hand, and the spirit of liberty struggling 
to defeat them, on the other. 

The office of Governor was usually bestowed without rc- 
terence to personal qualifications as a reward for implicit 
devotion to power, or as a provision for the necessities of a 
favourite, whose sole object was his own emolument, and that 
of his friends ; and the whole history of the colony goverti- 
ment evinced that it was in vain to expect a patriotic devotion 
to the public welfare, from men who were not bound to the 
country by any ties of personal interest, or responsible to the 
country for the faithful discharge of their public trust, and 
that subserviency to the crown, and a disregard of the people 
were vices inherent in the very nature of colony government. 

The arbitrary conduct of the colony governors, taught 
the people to investigate and to understand their rights, to ap- 
preciate the danger of the measures of the mother country to 
their liberties, and prepared them for the revolution which 
terminated in the independence of the country.* 

* The constant danger to which tlie Colonies had been exposed by the ambition of 
the French in their neighborhood, and their influence with the Indians, from the mas- 
sacre of the people of Schenectady in 165)0, until tlie conquest of Canada in 1760. kept 
them dependant on ^Great Britain ; and the 'necessity they v,ere under for her aid to 
their security, prevented lier being jealous of tliem. 

After Canada was added to tlie number of tlie colonies, she began to be jealous of 
their growing strength and importance, and then for the first time, perceived that the 
means which she had adopted for the enlargement of her power were calculated to en- 
danger and abridge it. Immediately after the treaty by which Canada was ceded to 
Great Britain in 1763, she determined to maintain a military force in the colonies, and 
to raise a national revenue from them, " for the better support of government, and 
the administration of the colonies ;" the effect of which would have been to render 
the Governors Judges, and other officers appointed by the crown, independant of the 
colony legislatures. The surplus revenue was to be at the disposal of Parliament. In 
1764, the British Parliament imposed a duty on Sus;ar and Molasses. In 176,'>. the 



85 

Of the sufferings of the people of Long- Island, during the 
War of the Revolution. 

The powers of the colony Governor were suspended at the 
commencement of the revolution ; and the government, Until 
the state constitution was formed, was administered by a 
provincial congress aided by town and county committees. 
Public spirit supplied the place of authority, and gave the 
recommendation of those bodies the force of law.* 

The Island was evacuated the night of the 29th, and morn- 
ing of the 30th of August 1776, and in October following, 
the county committees, and the committees of the several 
towns were by force or fear prevailed on by written declara- 
tions to revoke and disannul all their proceedings, and to re- 
nounce and disavow the authority of the provincial and con- 
tinental congresses, and the members of the several commit- 
tees, and the people generally were obliged to take the oath 
of allegiance to the King. 

From 1776, to 1783, the Island was occupied by British 
troops. They traversed it from one end to the other, and 
were stationed at different places during the war.f 

stamp act was imposed, whicli in conseqnence of the determined opposition, with wliicli 
it was resisted was repealed the ensuing ywr. 

During the same year, I76G, an act was passed requiring the colonies to provide 
quarters, and certain enumerated supplies for tiie troops stationed among them. The 
assembly of New-York provided barracks for the troops stationed there, but omitted 
to make provitiion for a few of the articles enumerated among the supplies. 
In 1767, an act was pissed restraining the Governor and council from assenting to any 
bill until the as-^embly furnished the supplies required. 

In 1767, new duties were imposed on paper, glass, painter's colours, and tea, and a 
board of commissioners were appointed to enforce the collection of the duties. 

The colonies remonstrated against these acts, and united in peaceable means of 
preventing their operation by non-consumption, ami non-importation agreements. 

In 1770, all the duties were repealed, except the duty on tea, and this involved the 
principle that the Parliament had the power to pass laws to bind the colonies in alt 
cases whatsoever. • 

The colonies held that taxation and representation T were inseparable, and that, as 
they were not represented in parliament, they could not be rightfully taxed by par- 
liament. 

A determination to resist the violation of this principle, on the part of the colonies, 
and a determination to enforce their measures by the sword, on the part of the Britislt 
ministry, led to a union of the colonies, and to the war of the revolution, which re- 
sulted in an acknowledgment of the independence of the United States by Great 
Britain in 1783. 

* The first continental Congress met at Philadelphia, September 4, 1774, and the 
second met May 10, 1775. The Provincial Congress of New-York met the '22d May 
1774, and on the 27th they recommended to the several counties, to appoint county 
and town committees, which was immediately complied with. Governor Tryon with- 
drew from the city of New- York, and went on board a British ship on the 13th of 
October 1775, which day has been considered as the date of the dissolution of the 
colony government. 

f After the formation of the State Constitution in 1777, the convention who framed 
it, passed an ordinance for the organization of the government, in which provision 
was m ade for a representation in the senate and assembly, of those parts of the state 
that were within the possession of the British by persons who had removed from the 
l.^land into the American lines, which was continued during the war. 



86 

The whole country within the British lines, was subject to 
martial law; the administration of justice was suspended; 
the army was a sanctuary for crimes and robbery, and the 
grossest offences were atoned by enlistment. 

The massacre of General Woodhull * in cool blood was a 
prelude to what others were to suffer, who had taken an 
active part in favour of the revolution. 

* Nathaniel Woodhull was a descendant of Richard Woodhull, Esquire, who is 
supposed to have left England in consequence of having taken an active part in favor 
of liberty under Charles I, a short time before the restoration of Charles II, in 1660. 

He is named in the original deeds for Jamaica, as one of the Erst proprietors of that 
town— but seems to have settled at Brook haven soon after the settlement of that 
place. 

An original letter written by Lord Crew, to the said Richard Woodhull, in 1687, in 
;inswer to one of his, is among the papers of the late Abraham Woodliull, Esquire, of 
Brookhaven, in which he styles him cousin, and speaks of his relations, among whomi 
he enumerates a bishop and a number of families of the first rank and respectability in 
ioeiety. * 

Mr. Woodhull had two brotliers younger than himself— Richard and Jesse— Rich- 
ard graduated at Yale College, in 1752, was a tutor there some years, and died at 
iVew-Haven — Jesse settled in Orange county, and his posterity reside there 

Nathaniel was born in 1722, and spent his youth with his father, who was an opulent 
farmer at Mastic in Brookhaven, and his education was such as was calculated to fit 
liim for the duties of active life. 

He was endowed b^ nature with a strong discriminating mind and a sound judge- 
ment, which soon attracted the notice of his fellow citizens, and pointed him out as pe- 
culiarly qualitied for public usefulness. 

His first public employment was in a military capacity in the war between Great 
Britain and France, which commenced in 175^, and terminated in 17C0. 

It is not known that Mr. Woodliull entered the army before 1753. Previous to 
tliat year the war had been conducted without much system or vigor, and the French 
had the superiority in every canipaign. 

The defeat of Braddock, in 1755, the acquisition of Oswego, in 1756, and of foit 
William Henry, in 1757, gave them the command of lake Champlain, the western 
lakes and of the whole country between Canada and Louisiana, west of the Allegany 
mountains — This secured to them the ascendency over the Indian tribes, and they 
threatened to confine the colonies to very narrow limits, or to wrest them from Great 
Britain. 

In 1758, under the administration of William Pitt, it was determined to make more 
vigorous efforts to limit or reduce the French power in Araorica. 

For this purpose, a large body of regular troops, wFth well appointed officers, and a 
powerful fleet, were sent from England, and the nortiiern colonies were called on to 
raise their respective proportions of 20,000 men, to aid the regular forces in their ope- 
rations against the French. — Of this number, 2860, were allotted to New-York, during 
the years 1758, '59 and '60— of which 657 were assigned to Long-Island— 300 to 
Queens, 289 to Suffolk and 68 to Kings.— The colony had only furnished 800 in 1755, 
1315 in 1756 and 1000 in 1757. 

During the year 1758, Louisbourgh was taken by genera] Amherst, aided by the fleet 
under admiral Boscawen— Fort Du Quesne was taken by general Forbes, and its 
name clianged to fort Pitt. — General Abercrombie was repulsed in his efforts against 
Ticonderoga, but fort Frontenac was subsequently reduced by a detachment from his 
army, the same season, under the command of colonel Bradstreet. 

The detachment consisted of .SOOO men. chiefly n-ovincial troops, and nearly one 
third of them of the New-^ :. k levies. 

In 1759, general Amherst succeeded general Abercrombie, as commander in chief, 
and the cor>quest of Canada was resolved on.— The plan of the campaign was to make 
the attack at the same time by the upper lakes, lake Champlain, and by the St. Law- 
rence. During this season, Niagara was taken by a detachment under general Pri- 
deaux ; Ticondeioga and Crown Point, by the troops under general Amherst; and 
Quebec was surrendered to the army commanded by general Wolfe, who fell in the 
attack. 



87 

Many of those who had served as officers in the militia, or 
as members of the town and county committees, fled into the 
American lines for safety. Some of the most active of those 
who remained at home were taken to New-York, and suffered 
a long and tedious imprisonment ; others were hairassed and 
plundered of their property, and the inhabitants generally 
were subject to the orders, and their property to the disposal 
of the British officers. 

In 1760, the plan adopted the preceding year, was vigoriously prosecuted. The 
French force's were concentrated at Montreal, and the three detachments of the army, 
by way of Ontario, Champlain, and up the St. Lawrence, under the command of gene- 
rals Amherst, Havihnd, and Murray, respectively, arrived before Montreal within 48 
hours of each other. 

Their united forces wore so formidable, that M. De Vaudreul, the governor gene- 
ral, deemed it improvident to risk an action or to sustain a siege, and on the 8th of 
September, 1760, he surrendered the whole province of Canada and its dependencies 
to the united regular and provincial Torces, under general Amherst, wtiich was con- 
firmed to Great Britain by the treaty of Paris, February lOth, 1763 

In 1758, Mr. Woo'lhull was a major in one of the New-\ork regiments, and it is 
a tradition of the family that he accompanied col. Bradstreet in the expedition which 
he conducted against fort Frontenac ; and that he assisted in the reduction of that 
fortress. 

It is not known whether he was attached to the expedition against Ticonderoga or 
to the one against Niagara, in 1759. — There is no doubt that he was in one or the 
other. 

In March, 1660, he was promoted to the rank of colonel, and commanded the 
third regiment of New-York troops in the expedition against Canada. 

After the conquest of Canada, he was discharged with the provincial troops, and re- 
turned to the duties and employments of a private citizen, with the reputation of hav- 
ing discharged the duties of his military stations with honor iind ability. 

Soon after this period, the government of Great Britain, not satisfied with having 
the control of the trade of tlie colonies, conceived the project of raising a revenue from 
them by the imposition, of duties on their imports, to be regulated as to their extent 
and amount, solely by the discretion of the British Parliament. 

A doctrine so hostile to the principles of the British constitution, as well as to the 
freedom and security of the colonies, created a general excitement and roused a spirit 
of resistance tliroughout the colonies. 

December 28th, 1768, the assembly of New- York adopted a number of spirited reso- 
lutions, among whicii was the following one : — 

Resolved unanimously, " that no tax under any name or denomination, or on any 
pretence, or for any purpose whatsoever, can or ought to he imposed, or levied on the 
persons or estates, or property of his mnjpsty's good subjects within this colony, but of 
their free gift, by their representatives lawfully convened in general assembly." Fn 
consequence of which, the governor, Sir Henry Moore, on the 2d of January, 1769, 
dissolved them. 

The people of Suffolk county, from their first settlement, had held that there could 
be no taxation without representation, and in 1670, had refused to pay a tax impos- 
ed on them by governor Lovelace, before tliey were permitted to have an assembly, 
and their descendants were now determined to withstand a similar violation of their 
rights by the British Parliament. 

The bravery prudence and patriotism of colonel Woodhull, hai procured bim the 
confidence and esteem of his fellow citizens ; they now deemed his qualifications pecu- 
liarly fitted for the crisis, and manifested their confidence by electing him one of their 
representatives to the new assembly, that was summoned in th spring of 1769. 

March 21st, 1769 the people of SuflTolk adopted certain instructions for W'm. NicoU 
and colonel Nathaniel Woodhull, their members to the new assembly, and among 
other things express their confidence that they would exert their abilities " to preserve 
their freedom and the command over their own purses." 

Colonel Woodhull continued a member of the assembly for the county of Suffolk, 



88 

They compelled the inhabitants to do all kinds of personal 
services, to work at their forts, to go with their teams, on for- 
aging parties, and to transport their cannon, ammunition, 
provisions, and baggage from place to place as they changed 
their quarters, and to go and come on the order of every 
petty officer who had the charge of ihe most trifling business. 

In 1781, the town of Huntington was compelled to raise 
£176 by a general tax, as a commutation for personal labour 
towards digging a well in the fort on Lloyd's Neck. 

until the dissolution of the colony government in 1775, and the firmness and patriotism 
he displayed during that turbulent period, endeared him to the friends of freedom, and 
received the cordial approbation of his constituents. 

The people of Suffolk appointed him one of the delegates for that county, to the con- 
vention which met in the city of New-York, in April, 1775, to choose delegates to 
meet the delegates of the other colonies, at Philadelphia, the 10th of May, then en- 
suing, in order to concert measures for the restoration of harmony between Gieat Bri- 
tain and the colonies. 

In May, 1775, he was chosen one of the delegates of the said county, to the provin- 
cial Congress, which first met at New-York, the 22d of the same month, to co-operate 
with the continental Congress in such measures as they should devise for the public 
good. 

August 22d, 1775, the provincial Congress re-organized the militia of the colony, 
and soon after appointed colonel Woodhull, brigadier general of the brigade composed 
of the militia of SufiPolk and Queens, and at the same time appointed captain Jonathan 
Lawrence, one of the delegates from Queens to tlie provincial Congress, his major of 
brigade. 

Colonel Woodhull, was also proposed for the office of brigadier general, in the con- 
tinental service, at the time general Scott was elected to tl. -« btation, and received 
the support of the members wlio were acquainted wit'i his merits. 

December 6th, 1V75, general Viodhi.il' vas elected president of the provincial 
Co"5:rp?<-,""'nd co.'itinued !a presiiie i:i Vidi body until the 10th of August, 1776. 

Juiy 9th, i7?6, thr provincial Congress met at the While Plains, and on the first 
day of their meeting, ratified, on the part of the people of this state, the declaration 
of independence, which had been adopted by the continental Congress on the 4th in- 
stant, and immediately assumed the style of " the convention of the people of the state 
of New-York," and set about framing a state constitution, which in consequence of the 
interruptions of the war, and the public duties of the members, was not completed till 
April 1777. 

On the 10th of August, the general left his seat in the convention, in order to take 
the coramanil of the Long-Island militia, to aid the continental army in opposing the 
invasion of the Britisii. 

As soon as the general had ascertained the state of the two armies, it is supposed 
that he despatched his major of brigade, to the convention, to apprize them of the facts 
and to receive, their intructions. 

On the 27th Auguiit, before he had reached the out posts of the American army, 
he discovered that the British had taken possession of the country between him and 
the left wing of the American army, which had been incautiously guarded, and tiiat 
any further advance would only expose his troops without effecting any good purpose ; 
and therefore ordered a retreat. 

After the militia had commenced their retreat, the general remained in the rear, 
and retreated slowly with only one or two companions, waiting as it is said, for the re- 
turn of his major of brigade. 

A severe thunder shower as is supposed, obliged him to take refuge in a public house 
about two miles east of Jamaica, and before lie left the house he was overtaken by a 
detachment consisting of the 17th regiment of British dragoons, and the 71st regiment 
of British infantry, who had been despatched in pursuit of the militia under his com- 
mand, accompanied by some of tlie disaffected inhabitants as pilots. 

The general stept to the door, in order to give l.iem his sword. The ruffian who 
lirst approached him, (said to be a major Baird ,of the 71st,) as is reported, order- 
Bd him to say, ' God save the King'' — the general replied, " God save us all". — on 



89 

The otiicers seized and occupied the best rooms in the 
houses of the inhabitants. They compelled them to furnish 
blankets and fuel for the soldiers, and hay and grain for their 
horses. They pressed their horses and wagons for the use of 
the army. They took away their cattle, sheep, hogs, and 
poultry, and seiied without ceremony, and without any com- 
pensation, or for such only as they chose to make, for their 
own use, whatever they desired to gratify their wants or wishe?. 

In April 1783, Sir Guy Carlton instituted a board of com- 
missioners for the purpose of adjusting sueli demands against 
the British army, as had not been settled. The accounts of 
the people of the town of Huntington alone for property taken 
from them, for the use of the anny, which were supported by 

which he most cowardly and cruelly, assailed the defencelpss general witli his broad 
sword, and would have killed him upon tlie spot, if he had not been prevented by lUf 
interference of an officer of more honor and humanity — (said to be ini.Jor De Lancy oi 
the dragoons,) who arrested his savage violence. 

The general was badly woun4e4 in the head, and one or botli arms was mangled, 
from the shoulder to the^'wwst.' He was taken to Jamaica, where his wounds were 
dressed, and was conveyed from thereto Gravesend, where lie, willi about eighty 
other persons, was p;it on board a vessel, wliicti had been employed to transport live 
stock for the anny, and was without accommodations for healtli or comfort. The ge- 
neral was released from the vessel, on the remonstrance of an officer, wiio had more 
humanity than his superiors, and was removed to an house near the church, in New 
Utrecht, where he received some attendance, aed medical assistance. 

A cut in the joint of the elbow, rendered an amputation of the arm, necessary. As 
soon as this was resolved on, the general sent for his wife, with a request, that sIk' 
would bring with her all the money that she had in her possession, with all that she 
could procure, which was complied with, and he had it distributed among the Amer- 
ican prisoners to alleviate their sufferings; thus furnishing a lesson of humanity lo his 
enemies, and closing a useful life by an act of charity. 

He then suffered the amputation, wliich soon issued in a mortification, which ter- 
minated his life at the age of fifty-four. 

The general left only one child who is now livina; on her paternal estate at Mastic, 
and is the widow of the laie general John Smith, deceased. 

It is said that one of the battalions, that was employed in this inglorious warfare, 
against an unresisting individual, or some other one, was commanded by a major Crew, 
a distant kinsman of the general, and tliat when he came to be apprized of that fact, 
and of the circumstances of the case, he was so mortified, that he either resigned his 
commis.<ion and quit the service, or obtained permission to leave the army, and re- 
turned to England. 

The military talents and experience of general ^Voodiuiil, were superior, to most of 
the early officers of tlie revolutionary army. — His zeal for the cause of American free- 
dom, would necessarily have led him to continue in the military service, and no man 
in this state, at that period, promised more distinguished usefulness. 

The capture of general Woodbull, was one of the most calamitous events of that 
disastrous day. — It deprived the country of the talents, the experience, and the coun 
sels oj" one of the ablest and most patriotic of her citizens. 

The cruel and dastardly treatment of a prisoner, especially of his rank and charac- 
ter, after a peaceable surrender, roused a spirit of indignation in the breast of every 
honest and disinterested man. 

It contributed to alienate tiie affections of the people from a country, whose princi- 
pal officers were capable of sucii unprincipled barbarity, and lo strengthen the deter- 
mination of all ranks, to adhere to ti)e resolution then recently adopted by the conti- 
nental Congress, and the convjention of this state, to render the United States indc- 
jvndent of her control. 

The death of ^[eneralWoodhull, spread a gloom over Long-Island, was universal- 
ly lamented bj- tlie friends of freedom, to wiiom he was known, and while the Ameri- 
can revohition continues to be a subject of gratitude, with the people of Long-Island, 
his mpmory will be cherished amons their fondest recollections. 

12 



m 

receipts of British o/licers, or by other evidence, which were 
prepared to be laid before the board, amounted toje7249, 9, C, 
and these accounts were not supposed to comprise one fourth 
pnrt of the property which was taken from them without com- 
pensation. 

These accounts were sent to New-York to' be laid before 
the board of commissioners, but they sailed for England with- 
out attending to them, and tbe people from whom the prop- 
erty was taken were left, like their neighbours who had no 
receipts without redress. 

If the other towns on the Island suffered half as much in 
proportion, the whole Island must have sustained actual 
losses by the war exceeding ^500,000, besides innumerable 
other injuries. 

The inhabitants suffered great abuse from the British refu- 
gees, who whenever they could shelter themselves under any 
colour of authority, did all the injury in their power. Many 
of these devoted themselves to robbery and pillage, and if 
they were detected, they enlisted, and this arrested the arm of 
Justice, shielded them from punishment, and enabled them to 
bid defiance to those whom they had robbed and abused. 

During the whole war, the inhabitants of the island, espe- 
>:ially those of Suffolk coimty, were perpetually exposed to 
the grossest insult and abuse. They had no property of a 
moveable nature that they could, properly speaking, call their 
own ; they were oftentimes deprived of the stock necessary to 
Uie management of their farms, and were deterred from en- 
deavouring to produce more than a bare subsistence by the 
apprehension that a surplus would be wrested from them, 
either by the military authority of the purveyor, or by the ruf- 
lian Iiandof the plunderer. 

Besides these violations of the rights of person and prop- 
erty. The Britibli officers did many acts of barbarity, for 
which tiiere could be no apology. 

Tiiey made garrisons, store houses, or stables, of the houses 
of public worship in several towns, and particularly of such 
as belonged to the Presbyterians. 

In the fall of 1782, at the conclusion of the war, about the 
time the provisional articles of the treaty of peace were signed 
in Europe, Colonel Thompson, (since said to be Count Rum- 
ford) who commanded the trooops then stationed at Hunting- 
ton, witiiout any assignable purpose except that of filling his 
own pockets, by its furnishing him with a pretended claim on 
the British treasury for the expense, caused a fort to be erect- 



eii in Huiilingtou, and without any possible motive except lo 
gratify a malignant disposition, by vexing the people of HiHit- 
ington, he placed it in the centre of the public burying ground, 
in defiance of a remonstrance of the trustees of the town, 
against the sacrilege of disturbing the ashes and destroying 
the monuments of the dead. 

Hardships imposed by the State Legislature^ 

Much however as the people of Long-Island had suffered 
from the injustice, cruelty and oppression of the common en- 
emy, they were not suffered to taste the cup of liberty, uniil 
it was in some measure embittered by the unkindness of their 
friends. 

It was their lot to be abandoned by their country and left 
in the power of the enemy. It was their misfortune, and not 
their fault, that they were not within the American lines, that 
ihey were disarmed and in subjection to the enemy, instead 
of being in the tinted field, and in arms against them. 

By an act of-tne legislature of the state of New-York, passed 
March 17, lT83, in actions for damages to the property of 
persons within the American lines, those who had been 
compelled by military orders and even by military force, to 
contribute to the damage, were prohibited from pleading the 
same in justification, or from giving the same in evidence on 
the general issue. 

By another act passed May 6, 1784, a tax of £100,000 
was imposed on the southern district, £37,000 of which was 
assigned to Long-Island as a compensation to the other parts 
of the state, for not having been in a condition to take an 
active part in the war against the enemy ! ! ! 

Both these acts were violations of public law, and the im- 
mutable principles of justice ; were partial and oppressive in 
their operation, and fully proved that an abuse of power was 
not peculiar to the British parliament, but a common infirm- 
ity of human nature; and in conflicts of local interests, fo- 
mented by local jealousies might sometimes occur tmder t\]e 
freest forms of government 



AFPENDIX. 



Population of Long-Island at different ])eriods. 



A. D. 


i73) 


1771 


1786 


1790 


1800 1810 


1820 


Kings, 


2150 


"3623 


3988 


4495 


5740 8303 


11187 


Queens, 


7995 


10980 


13084 


16014 


16983 19336 


20519 


Suffolk, 


7675 


13128 


13793 


16440 


19444 21113 


24272 



Total— 17820 27- 


r3i 

it ion 


30863 36949 


42167 
axons. 


48752 


Populc 

KJIVGS COUNTY. 

Brooklyyn, 
Busliwick, 


of the several t 

1810 

4402 ' 
798 


1820 

7175 
930 


Flatbush, 


- 


1159 


- 


1027 


Flatlands, 




517 


- 


512 


Gravesendj 


- 


520 


- 


534 


Xew-Utrocbt, 




907 




1009 




830.3 


1J187 


UUEEiVS COUNTY. 

Newtown, 


. 


1810 

2437 




1820* 


Jamaica, 


- 


2110 


- 




Flushing, 


- 


2230 


- 




North Hempstead, 


2750 


- 




Hempstead, 
Oysterbay 


• 


5084 
4725 


- 






19336 


21519 


SUFFOLK COUNTY. 

East Hampton 




1810 

1480 


_ 


1820 

1646 


South Hampton, 


- 


3899 


- 


4229 


Shelter Island, 


- 


329 


- 


389 


Brook Haven, 


. 


4176 


- 


5218 


Islip, 


- 


885 


- 


1156 


Huntington, 


- 


4425 


- 


4935 


Smithtown, 


- 


1592 


- 


1874 


Riverhead, 


- 


1711 


- 


1857 


Southold, 


- 


2613 


- 


2968 



21113 



24272 



56978 



* The Deputy who took the last censug, omitted to distinguish the population of the 
several towns in Queens county. 



m 



Proportion of white males lo femaks. 





Males. 




Femaleii 


Kings, 


5096 


- 


4514 


Queens, 


9643 


- 


9040 


Suffolk, 


- 11761 


- 


11250 



26500 2480433 13 to J2 

Employment of males over 16 years of age. 

Agriculture Commerce Maaufactures. 

840 - 81 - 713 

Queens, '4130 - 102 - 1119 

Suffolk, 4642 - 342 - 1099 • 



Kings 



2931 



9612 525 

Total males over 16, - - - 14180 

Employed in agriculture, commerce Si manufactures, 13068 
Unemployed, - - - - 1112 

Froportion of population of Long-Island to the city of 
New- York. 

Long-Island 

1731 - 17820 

1771 - 27731 

1786 - 30863 

1790 - 36949 



1800 
1810 

1820 



42167 
48752 
56978 



City 

8628 as 2 to 1 

21163 

23614 

33131 

60489 

96373 as 1 to 2 
123000 as 1 to 21 



Proportion of population of Long-Island to the state of 
JVew- York. 



1731 
1771 
1786 
1790 
1800 
1810 
1820 



|Long-Island 

17820 
27731 
30863 
36949 
42167 

56978 



state 

50291 as I to 3 
163338 as 1 to 6 
238896 as 1 to 7 
340120 as I to 9 
'-^ ■ - . -14 
959049 as 1 to 19 
1372812 as 1 to 24 



Proportion of population of the State ofJYew-Tork to the 
United States. 

New-York United States 

1790 - 340120 - 3950000 as 1 to 1 1 

1800 - . 686050 - 5305666 as 1 to 9 

1810 - 959049 - 7230514 as 1 to 7 

1820 - 1372812 - 9654415 as 1 to 7 



94 



Valuation of the several towns in the counties of King^. 
Queens, and Suffolk, in 1823. 

KINGS. ^Brooklyn, - $2389899 

Flatbush, - 422523 

Flatlands, - 196704 

Bushwick, - 257378 

New-Utrecht, - 304954 

Gravesend, - 196047 





$3767505 


QUEENS Oysterbay, 

Hempstead. 
North Hempstead, - 
Flubhu)^, 
Newtown, 


$1575550 

1017000 

1165250 

993200 

890780 


Jamaica, 


698800 




$6340580 


SUFFOLK— East Hampton, 
South Hampton, 


$464060 
960305 


Shelter Island, 


105640 


South Old, 


534920 


River Head, 


267380 


Brook Haven, 


969500 


Smith Towu, 


32007S 


Huntington, 
Islip, 


811480 
279349 



$4712712 

Proportion of the valuation of Kings, Queens, and Suffolk, to 
the State, 1821. 

$3513164 

5876775 



Kings, 

Queens, 

Suffolk, 



4389474 whole state 



$14279413 $241283532 as 1 to 16 



Note.— By the state census of 1825, the population of the state is 1,616,458 ,• city of 
New-York 166,086 ; Long-Island 58,705, proportion to the staters I to 27 



^6 



OF THF CLIMATE OF LONG-ISLAND. 

The influence of the sea which surrounds it, renders it more 
temperate than places in the same parallel of latitude in the in- 
terior. In the summer, it is regularly fanned by a sea breeze, 
which generally rises in the afternoon, but sometimes before ; 
and extends more or less across the Island, according to the 
strength and continuance of the wind. These breezes have 
become so common in the winter, as to prevent the snow from 
covering the ground for any considerable length of time. 

The west and south-west winds predominate in more than 
half the months in the year — the thermometer seldom sinks be- 
low zero in winter, and seldom rises higher than 90 degrees 
in summer. The mean temperature is about 51 degrees, which 
is the temperature of the springs and deep wells, and the 
weather is clear more than half the year.* 

* The temperature of places in the same latitude, is modified by the elevation of the 
land, the state of cultivation, by their proximity to the sea, or large bodies of water 
that do not freeze, and by the courses of the predominant winds. 

The temperature of the air decreases in the same latitude one degree, for about 
every 590 feet of the elevation of the place above the level of the sea. The elevation 
of Mexico, which is 7217 feet above the level of the sea, in latitude 19^, 18, reduces 
the temperature to that of places in latitude 33, 30, on a level with the sea. 

The United States are not as elevated above the level of the sea as Europe, and the 
difference is in favour of a milder temperature in the United States 

The climate of the United States has been estimated to be from 10 to 15 degrees 
colder, than the corresponding latitudes in Europe From the description of the cli- 
mate of France and Italy, by the Roman writers a few years before the christian era, 
the temperature of those countries could not then have been materially different from 
that of the United States at present. Their rivers were frozen solid, and the earth 
was covered with sbow, more or less of the winter. Experience proves, that rivers do 
not congeal with any considerable solidity, until the thermometer is as low as 20 : and 
in the United States, in the latitude of Itiily, the thermometer at present is seldom be- 
low 20, more than a few days together during the winter. To produce the effects de- 
scribed, must have required quite as severe frost, as now prevails in the same latitude 
in the United Sttaes, if not more severe ; and the same causes that liave produced the 
change in the climate there, will have the same effect here, so far as they are common 
to both countries. 

The clearing and the cultivation of the country, is the most powerful cause that has 
contributed to this effect, and will have great influence in meliorating the climate of 
the United States.— The timber which covers an uncultivated country, shields it from 
the rays of the sun, and deprives the earth of the heat derived from that source. It is 
proved by experiment, that the temperature of cleared land is 10 degrees greater than 
tliat of land covered with timber. 

Evaporation and rain are sources of cold, and are more abundant in a country cov- 
ered with timber, than in a cleared country — more moisture is supposed to evaporate 
from the leaves, of a given quantity of green timber, than from the same extent of wa- 
ter. Great evaporation produces frequent rains, and these again produce evaporation ; 
and the reciprocal operation of these causes contributes to cool the earth, and reduce 
the temperature of the atmosphere. The influence of these causes is lessened by cul- 
tivation; the earth becomes drier and warmer, and the temperature of the air is en- 
creased. The air from the sea also has a powerful effect on the climate — the sea is 8 
or 10 degrees warmer in winter, and cooler in summer than the earth ; and in propor- 
tion as the country is cleared the air from the sea penetrates further into the coun- 
try — moderates the heat in Summer, and the cold in wintei, and operates to render 
the temperature of the seasons more mild and uniform. The air from the great lakes 



96 



The temperature at Huntington, which lies in latitude about 
40d. 52m. midway between the latitude of the east and west 
ends of the Island, will give pretty nearly the average temper- 
ature of the whole Island. 

The mean temperature of the several months in the year. 



From 1st Sept. Uzl to 1st do. 1822. 

September. 69 

October, 54 

November, 42 

December 31 

January, 26 

February, 29 

March, ^ 42 

April, ' 49 

May, 63 

June, 65 

July, 75 

August, 71 

51,20 

Greatest Heat, and 
1822, July 4th 94 

do. 20 94 

1824 July 10) 

18 } 90 

31 ) 
Aug. 22 90 

Greatest Range of the 
thermometer, 



From 1st Sept. 1823, to istdo. 1824. 
62 
51 
39 
35 
34 
32 
36 
49 
57 
69 
74 
70 



50,40 

greatest cold, at Huntington. 

1822, Jan. 5th, 5 below zero. 

do. J 4, 4 do. 

24, at zero. 

25, 2 below. 
18, 11 above zero 

5, 3 do. 
1822 - 98 
1824 - 94 



1824, 



do. 
do. 
Dec. 
Feb. 



must have a coriespoiiding effect on tlie adjoiniug cotiiilry — must modifj' the tempera- 
ture of the opposite seasons of heat and cold, and meliorate the climate. 

The climate is also affected by the course of the ^viiids j formerly on Long-Island, 
<he north-west was the predominant wind in tiie winter months, and the north-east 
wind {generally prevailed in the spring, and sometiniPs in tlie fall ; at present the west 
and sonth-we>t winds are the predominant winds, more than half the months in the 
year. Tiiese winds either come from the sea, or blow over a country k"»s cold than 
that traversed by the north-west and north-east winds, and arc more temperate than 
those winds were. The climate ia evidently undergoing a change and becoming mo!T 
uniform ; the winters are not a? cold, nor the simimers as hot a;-, they formerly were. 



ri 



Fredomiaant Winds, at Huntington^ 




Kroui Ist Sept. 132 


l,to 1st Sept. 182L' 


From Ist Sept. 1823, to 1st -Sept. 1324. 


September, 


west 


September, 


east 


October, 


west 


October, 


south-west 


November, 


west 


November, 


do. 


December, 


west 


December, 


west 


January, 


south-west 


January 


west 


Feb^uary, 


do. 


February, 


south-west 


March, " 


do. 


March, 


east 


April, 


east 


April, 


south-west 


May, 


south-west 


May, 


do. 


June, 


west 


Jane, 


do. 


July, 


south-west 


July, 


west 


August, 


do. 


August, 


south-west 


Courses 


of Winds, 


Courses of Winds 


Xorth, 


14 


North, 


18 


North-west, 


24 


North-west, 


60 


North-east, 


36 


North-east, 


36 


East, 


48 


East, 


b% 


South-east, 


21 


South-east, 


22 


South, 


26 


South, 


25 


South-west, 


102 


South-west, 


^1 


West, 


94 


West, 


61 



365 



365 



State olthe weather for 455 days from 1st Sept. 1821. 

Clear, 270 

Cloudy, 113 

Rainy, 51 

Snow, 21 455 

Teinperatureof Wells in Huntington, I5th August, 1823, 
water from 4 to 6 feet deep. 

Temperature at bottom. 

65 
57 



Depth. 
10 
16 
25 

43 



53 
50 
Boiling springs, 



Surface. 

66 

58 
54 
51 



51* 



" For the meteorological observations of the town of Huntiogton, I am indefcted to 
the kindness of Christopher Meog, esq. of that town. 



13 



The meau temperature of the following places was asctr- 

tained to be as follows, a few years since : 

Latitude. 

44 ~ Vermont, 

43.57 . Sacketj's-Harbor, 

43.39 - Portland, 

42.40 - Detroit, 
42.22 - Boston, 
41.25 - Newport, 
39.57 - Philadelphia, 
3906 30 ' - Cincinnati, 
^7.16 - Williamsburgb, 



lean temperntuve. 


Range of lli 


43 


120 


48.48 


86 


45.05- 


112 


&0.31 


116 


47.30 


•100 


50.03 


96 


53.32 


9S 


54.25 


100 


59 


103 



Miscellaneous papers alluded to in the text. 
The original social contract of the people of East Hampton, 
adopted in 1655. 
Forasmuch as it has pleased the Almighty God, by the wise 
dispensation of his providence so to order and dispose of things, 
that we, the inhabitants of East-Hampton, are now dwelling 
together; the word of God requires that to maintain the peace 
and union of such a people, there should be an orderly and 
decent government established, according to God, to order 
and dispose as occasion shall require ; we do therefore associ- 
ate and conjoin ourselves and successors, to be one town or cor- 
poration, and do for ourselves and successors and such as shall 
be adjoined to us at any time hereafter, enter into combination 
and confederation together, to maintain and preserve the pu- 
rity of the Gospel ofour Lord Jesus Christ, which we now pos- 
sess ; as also the discipline of the church, which according to 
the truth of said gospel, is now practised among us ; as also in 
our civil afiairs, to be guided and governed by such laws and 
orders as shall be made according to God, and \7hich by the 
vote of the major part, shall be in force among us. Further- 
more, we do engage ourselves, that in all votes for choosing 
officers or making orders, that it be according to conscience 
and our best light. And also we do engage ourselves by 
this combination to stand to and maintain the authority of 
the several officers of the town in their determinations and ac^ 
itions, according to their orders and laws, that either are or 
shall be made, not swerving therefrom. In witness whereof, 
&c* 

* The first settlers of the several towns in Connecticut seem to have entered into 
formal contracts of this nature. The preceding is said to have been taken from that of 
Windsor, and it is probable that the several English towns on Long-Island in their ori- 
gin, more or less, formally adopted eimilar compactf . 



m 

t4 list of the Deputies from the several iowns on Long -Island, 
and from the toivn of Westchester, which composed the gene- 
ral assembly convened at Hempstead by Richard JVicolk, 
the 1st of March, 1665. 

JVeiv-Utrecht, Jaques Cortelleau, Younger Hope, 

Gravesend, James Hubbard, John Bowne, 
Flatlands, Elbert Elbertson, Reloffe Marten?, 

Flatbush, John StryUer, Hendrick Gucksen. 

Bushwick, John Stealman, GIsbert Tunis, 
Brooklyn, Hendrick Laihbertzen, John Evertsen, 

JVeiv-Town, Richard Belts, Jolm Coe, 

Flushing, Elias Doughty, ilichard Cornhili, 

Jamaica, Daniel Denton, Thomas Benedict, 

Hempstead, John Hick?, Robert Jackson, 

Oysterbay, Jolin Underbill, Matthias Harvev, 

Huntington, Jonas Wood, John Ketcham, 

Brook Haven, Daniel Lane, Roger Barton, 

Southold, William Wells, John Youngs, 
South Hampton Thomas Topping, John Howell, 

East Hampton, Thomas Baker, John Strattou, 

Westchester, Edward Jessup, John Qninbv. 



XRANSACTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY©^ C0NNECXICI7T 
RELATIVE TO LONG-ISLAND. 

At a session of the general assembly at Hartford. March 
iOth, 1663. 

This court have voted Mr. Wyliys and Mr. Matthew Allyn, 
to go over to Long-Island to settle government on the west 
end of the Island, according to the agreement at Hempstead, 
in February last ; and those gentlemen are desired to issue the 
matter twixt I. Scott and Bloomer, and they are further de- 
sired to take in with them the assistance of the commissioners 
in those towns, for the regulating of any disturbances as occa- 
s.ion is presented. 

A true copy from the public records of the colony of 
Connecticut. Examined this 8th d^y of August. 
1764. bv 

GF:0RGE WKLLYS, Secretan/. 



I»0 

At a genoral asseinty hfild at Hartford, 31;iy t)ie l'2th. 1G64, 
tor election, 

WJiereas, his Majesty liath been graciously pleased to con- 
iirm unto this colony, by charter, all that part of his domin- 
ions in Nevv-Englan-d, bounded, as in the said charter is ex- 
pressed, with the Islands adjoining. 

This court doth declare, that they claim Long-Island for 
one of those adjoining Islands, expressed in the charter, except 
a precedent right doth appear, approved by his Majesty. 

This court doth desire and request the worshipful governor, 
Mr. Matthew Allyn, Mr. WylJys, and Captain Youngs, to go 
over to Long-Island, and to settle the English plantations on 
the Island, under this government, according to instructions 
given them. 

The aforesaid comn^ittee are hereby authorised to erect and 
constitute quarter courts, or appoint other fit seasons for the 
keeping of court, for the administration of justice, that all ca- 
ses may be tried according to law, (life, limbs, and banishment 
excepted,) and to do their endeavor? so to settle matters, that 
the people may be both civilly, peaceably, and religiously 
governed in the English plantations, so as they may win the 
.heathen to the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Christ, by their robcr and religious conversation, as his Majes- 
ty our Lord and King requires in his gracious letters patent, 
granted to his subjects here, in this colony; and in case of 
crimes of a capital nature, they are to have liberty to take the 
opportunity of the courts of Fairfield or Hartford," the like 
liberty they have in case of review. They may also give oath 
to those who are accepted by this court for freemen on the 
Island, and to do what else they judge may conduce for the 
good of the colony. 

A true copy from the public records of the colony of 
Connecticut. Examined *hh Pt'? day of August, 
)7r>4 hv 

GEORGE WYLLYS, Secretary. 

An extract from the power of attorney, granted to James 
Farret, by William, Earl of Stirling, April 20th. in the I2tli 
year of Charles I, 

The power after reciting that the Earl had obtained a pa- 
tent from the corporation for New-England, by the consent 
and command of the King, bearing date, April 22d, in the 
11th year of his reign, for a certain Island, called Long-Is- 
land, with the Islands adjacent, and that.he was desirous of 
improving them ; states that he had appointed James Farret to 
T>e bis attorney or agent, to take possession of the said Islands. 



mi 

and to plant and improve them, and alter some other recitai?, 
proceeds as follows : — 

"I the said William, Earl of Stirling, do hereby impower 
and authorize him for me, my heirs, executors and adminis- 
trat ors, and for every of us, to let, set, mortgage, sell, or by 
any other way or means, for a present sum or sums of mo- 
ney, or for yearly rent, to dispose of the said Islands, or of 
any part or parts of them, for such time and times, term or 
terms of years, for life or lives, or forever in fee, as my said 
attorney or agent shall judge most probably conducing to 
my profit and behalf, and to the other ends before specified. 

And after one or more plantations, or colonies or people 
shall be there in any or all of the aforesaid Islands settled ; to 
continue, erect and establish, such honest and wholesome or- 
ders and ordinancies amongst, and for the benefit of the said 
planters and colonies, as shall be Judged, together with 
and upon the advice of the Right Worshipful John Winthrop, 
Esquire, governor of Boston, colony in the said New-Eng- 
land, most tending to the preservation of the public peace,. the 
improvement of trade and commerce, and the due execution 
of justice, in obedience to the laws of God, and as much as 
may be agreeable to the laws of England." 

The power authorizes the conveyance of the said lands to 
any person or persons that owed allegiance to the crown of 
England, and engages to ratify and confirm what his said 
attorney shall do in conformity with the said power in the 
premises. 

Treaty of HartforcL 1650. 

Articles of agreement t.c.ac; and concluded at Hartford, 
upon Conne-'ticu'; September 19, 1650, between delegates of 
the Commissioners of the United English Colonies, and the 
delegates of Peter Stuyvesant, governor general of New 
Netherlands — concerning the bounds and limits between the 
English United Colonies and the Dutch province of New Ne- 
therlands. 

We agree and determine as follows : 

That upon Lopg-Island, a line run from the westermost 
part of Oysterbay, and so in a straight and direct line to the 
sea, shall be the bounds between the English jnd Dutch there, 
the easterly part to belong to the English, and the westermost 
part to the Dutch. 

The bounds upon the main, to begin upon the west side of 
Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stamford, and so 



102 

to run a westerly line 20 miles up into the country, and alter. 
as it shall be agreed by the two governments of the Dutch 
and New Haven, provided that said line run not within ten 
miles of Hudson's river, and it is agreed that the Dutch shall 
not, at any time hereafter, build any house or habitation with- 
in six miles of the said line. The inhabitants of Greenwich 
to remain (till further consideration thereof be had,) under 
the government of the Dutch. 

That the Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands in Hart- 
ford that they are actually in possession of, known or set out 
by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder of the 
said lands, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be and re- 
main to the English there. , 

And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and rn:jits botli 
upon the Island and main, shall be observed and kept invio- 
lable, both by the English of the United Colones and all the 
Dutch nation, without any encroachment or molestation, un- 
till a full determination be agreed upon in Europe, by mutu- 
al consent of the two States of England and Holland. And 
in testimony of our joint consent to the several foregoing con- 
ditions, we have hereunto set our hands this 19th day of Sep- 
tember, 1650. 

SIMON BRADSTREET, THOMAS WILLET, 

THOMAS PRL\CE, GEORGE BAXTER, 

Original Dutch Grant for Jamaica. 

Having seen the request or desire of the inhabitants of the 
town of Hempstead, and subjects of the province, the go- 
vernor general and council have consented, and granted unto 
the aforesaid inhabitants, free leave to erect or build a new 
town according unto their place limited, named Canarisc, 
about the midway from Hempstead, upon such privilieges and 
particular ground briefs — such as the inhabitants of the New 
Netherlands generally do possess in their lands, and likewise 
in the choice of their mati^-f-Jitrs is in 'he oibc; villages or 
towns, as Aiiddleborougi., BreukUn, Midwout and Amersfort. 
Done at the fort in New Netherland, this 
2lst of March, 1656. 

PETER STUYVESANT. 
By order of the governor general and council, of the 
New Netherlands. 

COR^ElJUS VAN RUYVEN, Secretary, 

The annexation of Long- Island to JVew-Yorlc. 

The determination of his Majesty's commissioners relative 
to the boundaries of his Royal Highness the Duke of York's 



103 

patent, and of the patent of Connecticut, November iJOth. 
1664. 

By virtue of his Majesty's commission, we have heard the 
differences about the bounds of the patents granted to his 
Royal Highness the Duke of York, and his Majesty's colony 
of Connecticut ; and having deliberately considered all the 
reasons alledged by Mr. Allen, senior, Mr. Gould, Mr. Rich- 
ards and captain Winthrop, appointed by the assembly held 
at Hartford the 13th day of October, 1664, to accompany 
John Winthrop, Esq. the Governor of his Majesty's colony of 
Connecticut to New-York, and by Mr. Howell and captain 
Youngs of Long-Island, why the said Long-Island should be 
under the government of Connecticut, which are too long to 
he recited. — We do declare and order, that the southern 
bounds of his Majesty's colony of Connecticut is the sea, and 
that Long-Island is to be under the government of his Royal 
Highness the Duke of York, as is expressed by plain words 
in the said patents respectively, and also by virtue of his Ma- 
jesty's commission and by the consent of both the governor 
and the gentlemen above named ; we also order and declare 
that the creek or river called Momoroneck, which is reputed to 
be about twelve miles to the east of Westchester, and a line 
drawn from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls 
into the salt, at high-water mark north north-west to the line 
of the Massachusetts, be the western bounds of the said colo- 
ny of Connecticut, and the plantations lying westward of that 
creek and line so drawn, to be under his Royal Highness' 
government ; and all plantations lying eastward of that creek 
and line, to be under the government of Connecticut. 

Given under our hands at fort James, New-York, on Man- 
hattan Island, this 30th day of Nov. 1664. 

RICHARD NICOLLS, 
GEOKGE CARTWKIGHT, 
SAMUEL xMAVERICK, 
We underwritten on behalf of the colony of Connecticut, 
have assented unto this determination of his Majesty's com- 
missioners, in relation to the bounds and limits o{ his Royal 
Highness the Duke's patent and the patent of Connecticut, 
JOHN WINTHROP, 
MATHEW ALLEN, 
NATHAN GOULD, 
JAMES RICHARDS, 
JOHN WINTHROP. 



104 



The Address of the Deputies assembled at Hempstead to his 
Royal Highness, the Duke of York. 

We the deputies duly elected from the several towns upon 
Long-Island, being assembled at Hempstead, in general meet- 
ing, by authority derived from your royal highness under the 
honorable Colonel Nicolls, as deputy governor, do most hum- 
bly and thankfully acknowledge to your royal highness, the 
great honor and satisfaction we receive in our dependence 
upon your royal highness according to the tenor of his sacred 
majesty's patent, granted the 12th day of March, 1664; 
wherein we acknowledge ourselves, our heirs and successors 
forever, to be comprized to all intents and. purposes, as therein 
is more at large expressed. And we do puplickly and unani- 
mously declare our cheerful submission to all such laws, sta- 
tutes and ordinances, which are or shall be made by virtue of 
authority from your royal highness, your heirs and succes- 
sors forever : As also, that we will maintain, uphold, and de- 
fend, to the utmost of our power, and peril of us, our heirs 
and successors forever, all the rights, title, and interest, grant- 
ed by his sacred majesty to your royal highness, against all 
pretensions or invasions, foreign and domestic ; we being al- 
ready well assured, that, in so doing, we perform our duty of 
allegiance to his majesty, as free born subjects of the kingdom 
of England inhabiting in these his majesty's dominions. We 
do farther beseech your royal highness to accept of this ad- 
dress, as the first fruits in this general meeting, for a memo- 
rial and record against us, our heirs and successors, when we 
or any of them shall fail in our duties. Lastly we beseech your 
royal highness to take our poverties and necessities, in this 
wilderness country, into speedy consideration ; that, by con- 
stant supplies of trade, and your royal highness' more par- 
ticular countenance of grace to us, and protection of us, we 
may daily more and more be encouraged to bestow our labors 
to the improvement of these his majesty's western dominions, 
under your royal highness ; for whose health, long life, and 
eternal happiness, we shall ever pray, as in duty bound. 

fYom Furman's Brooklyn. 

This Address was agreed on at the meeting of the Deputies 
at Hempstead, in March, 1665. 



105 

Jl JVarrativt and Remonstrance of the Deputusassemhled at 
Hempstead, in March 1665, relating to the different apprehen- 
sions of some matters then and there transacted. 

His Majesty having employed his ships of war, and sent a 
considerable number of soldiers to reduce these parts of 
America, to his obedience, the present government was 
readily received, and peacealDly settled on Long-Island, by 
virtue of his Majesty's letters patent, made and granted to his 
Royal Highness James, Duke of York and Albany, bearing 
date the twelfth day of March, in the sixteenth of the reign of 
our sovereign Lord King Charles the II. published at Graves- 
end, on Long-Island, aforesaid, about the middle of August 
following ; in the audience of a great number of the inhabitants 
thereof, by the Right Honorable Col. Richard Nicolls, deputy 
Governor, under his Royal Highness. At which time and 
place Governor Winthrop, being then present, openly de- 
clared that their colony claimed no jurisdiction dejure over 
Long-Island ; but what they had done was for the welfare, 
peace and quiet settlement of liis Majesty's subjects, as they 
were the nearest court of record to them under his Majesty; 
but now his Majesty's pleasure was fully signified by his let- 
ters patent, as above said, their jurisdiction over them ceased 
and. became null; whereupon our honorable Governor then 
replied also, that he would not put out any of the officers 
which Connecticut had set up in the civil state, but confirm 
them under his power to act in every town, until a convenient 
season served to convene deputies from nil the towns on the 
Island, when and where laws were to be enacted and civil offi- 
cers established. 

Shortly after at another meeting of our Honourable Gov- 
ernor and Connecticut Commissioners, several persons were 
there confirmed by him in civil authority by his v/riting under 
his hand, which they published in several towns where thev 
were to collect rates and former dues for Connecticut, unto 
which power these eastern towns readily and willingh 
obeyed and submitted for the space of six months at least. 

In March following, we were convened, being deputies 
chosen by the several towns in a general assembly held at 
Hempstead, where His Majesty's aforesaid patent was first 
read, and a commission from His Royal Highness the Duke 
of York, empowering and investing the aforesaid Colonel 
Richard Nicolls, with authority to put the contents of the said 
patent into practice and execution, who declared unto us that 
our first business should be to decide some, and to compose 

14 



100 

otrier Uiti'eieiices vvliicli were on float before he came to the 
government, according to the manner and form hi practice 
since our late acknowledgment of the Connecticut au- 
thority ; but that he had prepared a body of general laws here- 
after to be observed ; the which were delivered to us, and upon 
perusal we found them to be a collection of the laws now in 
practice in His Majesty's other colonies in New-England, with 
abatement of the severity agaihst such as differ in matters of 
conscience and religion. 

We proceeded to object against some and propose other 
clauses in the laws, whereupon several amendments were made 
with further assurance from the Governor, that when any rea- 
sonable alteration should be offered from any town to the ses- 
sions, the Justices should tender the same at the assizes, and 
receive satisfaction therein, the truth and effects whereof vvc 
have since found. 

The Governor further declared that for his own part he 
expected no benefit from his labours out of the purses of the 
inhabitants, not so much as to defray his charge and expenses 
at the courts ; but that it was absolutely necessary to establish 
u form and rule of county rates, to support the public charge, 
whereupon we pitched upon the form and rule at this day ob- 
served in Connecliuut, which was known to some of those pre- 
sent. 

In the next place we conceived that two hundred pounds 
yearly might defray the public charge ; to which the Governor 
replied that he would touch none of the public money, but 
that the high sheriff from year to year should cause the same 
to be coUtected, and give at the expiration of his office in open 
court at tiie general assizes, an account of his receipts and dis- 
bursements. 

If it should happen the rate was more than the charge of 
his year, the overplus should remain to the use of the country 
the next year ; if the charge was greater than the rate, the 
country was obliged to bear it with an additional rate, in all 
which transactions we acted with sincerity of heart, accor- 
ding to the best of our understanding and in obedience to his 
Majesty's authority established by his letters patent over us. 

Moreover we appointed a committee to attend the Governor 
for his resolution, whether we might not, according to the 
custom of the other colonies choose our magistrates. We re- 
ceived answer by our deputies, that they had seen the instruc- 
tion of his Koyal Highness, wherein the choice of all^the officers 
of .Tustice was solely to be made by the Governoi-, and 



to: 

some of us do know that a Parliament of England can neither 
make a Judge nor Justice of the peace. 

In conclusion the Governor told us that we had seen and 
read His Majesty's letters patent, the commission and instruc- 
tions from His Royal Highness tl»e Duke of York, and if we 
would have a greater share in the Government than he could 
allow, we must go to the king for it. 

Nevertheless some malicious men hav^ aspersed us as be- 
trayers of their liberties and privileHges, in subscribing to an 
address to His Royal Highness, full of duty and gratitude, 
whereby His Royal Highness may be encouraged the more 
to take us and the welfare of our posterity into liis most 
princely care and consideration. 

Neither can any, clause in that address bear any other 
natural sense and construction than our obedience and sub- 
mission to His Majesty's letters patent, according to our duly 
and allegiance. 

However, that our neighbours and fellow subjects may be 
undeceived of the false aspersions thrown upon us, and the 
impostures of men disaflected to government manifested, lest 
they should further prevail upon the weakness of others ; we 
the then deputies and subscribers of the said address, conceive 
ourselves obliged to publish this narrative and remonstrance 
of the several passages and steps conducing to the present 
government under which we now live, and we desire that a re- 
cord hereof may be kept in each town, that future ages may 
not be seasoned with the sour malice of such unreasonable 
and groundless aspersions. 

Dated the 21st day of June, 166C. 

Remonstrance of South Hampton against the order Tequirmg tkem to take o\a 
a new patent. 

SaiUli Hampton, Feb. 13 1670. 
TO THE GOVERNOR. 

Honorable Sir. — We the inhabitcints of this town, do hereby present unto you 
our liumble service, k.c. to shew our respect to your Honors pleasure, and our 
obedience to tiie order of the honorable court of assize — we are bold to mani- 
fest herein unto yon some reasons why we are unwilling to receive any 
furtlier patent for our lands, as followeth: 

1st Because as we have honestly purchased them of the natives, (the proper 
and natural owners of them) so also we have already the patent right, lawfully 
obtained and derived from the Honorable Earl of Stirling, we being to pay 
one tifth part of gold and silver ore, and 4 bushels of Indian coin yearly. 

21y Because the injunction laid on persons and plantations by the laivs in 
1666, to take forth patents for their lands from our then Governor, we ground- 
cdly conceive intended not the plantations on this east end of the Island, but 
only those at the west end who were reduced from a foreign governnieni, 
even as heretotore. Those English that came to dwill within the precincts 
which the Dutch claimed, lookout land briefs from the Dutch Governor. 

3ly, Because those of us who were first beginners of this plantation, put- 
none but ourselves to the vast charge in our transport hither, we greatly liaz^ 
arded our lives '[as some lost theirs ) here amongst, and by the then numeron 



108 

and barbjrousH cruel native?, yet through divine providence we iiave possessed 
tliese our lands above 30 years without interruption or molestation by any 
olairains them rotn us, and therefore we cannot see why we should lose any 
ot our rightful privileges so Tdearly and honestly purchased, or how our lands 
can be better assured to us by taking out another patent from any one. 

4iy. And maierially because by our said patent we had license (we 
being but few) to put ourselves under any of his majesty's colonies for govern- 
ment, whereupon accordingly by willing consent on all sides, we adjoined 
ourselves to Hartford jurisdiction, and divers of us became members of the 
Kings Court there, andj when the worthy Mr. Winthrop obtained a patent 
from his majesty our present Lord, King Charles If, for 'the said colony of 
Hartford, our town is included, and sotiie of the then chief members of our 
town expressly nominated in the patent, so that tiiis place became undeniably 
ati absolute limb or part of the said colony, aiid morover, since that and after 
his majesty's commissioners came into these parts, his majesty of grace and 
ir6e motion, was pleased so far to encourage his people of the said colony, as 
by his letter to assure tliem that their ecclesiastical and civil privileges which 
he had granted them, should not be infringed or diminished by his said com- 
missioners or any others whatsoever. 

Sly it is not only in all our experience beyond all parallel, that each town 
should be constrained to take forth a patent, but also the patents here imposed 
and those given forth, wliich yet we have seen, seem to bind persons and 
towns in matter of payments, to the will and mercy of their Lord and his suc- 
cessors, or Lieutenants, and who can tell, but in time to come, those may suc- 
ceed who through an avaricious distemper, may come upon us with such heavy 
taxes and intolerable burdens, as may make us, or our poor posterity to groan 
] ike Israel in Egypt. 

_6ly Because people are enjoined to acknowledge in the said patent, (If we 
mistake not greatly) that his Royal Highness, the Duke of York is »ob propri- 
etor of the whole Island which we cannot consent unto, because we know our- 
selves to be the true proprietors of the lands we here possess, with the appurte- 
nances thereunto belonging, and also, because men are enjoined by the said 
patent to pay not only all just dues, but also all demands that may be made by 
his Royal Highness or his authorised agent. 

7ly, Because we are more than confident his majesty will desire no more of 
us than already we are, even his faithful liege people who have many of us al- 
ready taken, and the rest of us are ready to take the oath of allegiance tinto 
him. Willing we are to pay ocrjustdues in town and to the country, and ready 
to serve his majesty with our lives and fortunes ; we are his subjects and we 
know he will not make u? slaves to any. 

81y. Because Gen. Nichols gave it under his hand, that we at this end should 
have as great privileges as any colony in New-England, and yet we are denied 
')Ur deputies at the courts ; we are forced to pay customs for goods imported, 
tor which custom hath before been paid to his majesty's use in England. 

9Iy. &i Lastly — J'he Khvg's Commissioners in the year 1664, by their procla- 
mation, seemed to demand only the government, with exact and full promise 
that the people should enjoy whatsoever God's blessing and their own industry 
had furnished them withal; and we see not what more a patent can assure us, 
especially considering that the patents here taken forth by places, or particular 
persons, secure them not absolutely ; for it seems to us by the order of the 
court of assizes, even from them who have received a patent, wood and tim- 
ber may be taken away without leave and without pay ; in all which respects, 
and some other, we cannot be willing to take forth more patent than we have. 
And if we do succeed otherwise than we expect, we hope we shall, like good 
christians, patiently bear the pressure that may be permitted to fall upon us, 
yet never fail to be fervent votaries for your honor's leal happiness. 

[Signed by Thomas Halsey, jun. and 49 others] 

Of the Pirate, William Kidd. 

William Kidd, who was commissioned in 1696, to go against the Pirates,kwho 
then infested the seas, became a pirate, sailed to Madaeascar, and ravaged the 



109 

sea •and the coast from the Red Sea to the coast of Malabar for neasly a year j 
when he returned v/ith more valuable spoil, than perhaps ever fell to the lot of 
a pirate. On his way from the West Indies to Boston, he anchored in Gardi- 
ner's Bay, lauded on the Island and buried a box of gold, silver and precious 
stones. The owner of the island was entrusted vii'i the secret, and his life was 
the pledge of its security. Kidd made similar deposits in other places along 
the coast. On Kidd's arrival at Boston the 1st July, 1699, he was seized and 
committed by the order of the Governor, the Earl of Bellamout, and among his 
papers was found an account of all his deposits. Commissioners were appoint- 
ed to collect and secure them. They called on Mr. Gardiner for the box that 
was deposited on the Island, who after he was assured that Kidd was in safe 
custody, and not likely again to be in a condition to injure him, procured tlie 
box and delivered it the Commissioners. 

Kidd was sent to England and tried and executed May 9th, 1701. 

The tradition ofKidds having buried his treasures along the coast, unac- 
companied by the his-tory of their discovery, has given rise to the idle practice ol 
money digging, under the impression that those treasures are still to be found. 

Among the papers of the late John L. Gardiner, Esq. is an account of the 
treasure deposited on the Island, taken from the list of Kidd's treasures, which 
were secured by the Commissioners, of which the following is a summary. 

Received tlie 17th inst- of Mr. John 
Gardiner, three bags of gold dust 
containing 

Two bags of gold bars containing 

One do. of coined gold do. 

One do. broken silver do. 

Two do. silver bars 

One do. silver buttons and a lamp 

One bag containing three silver ring 

One do. of unpolished stones 

73Sa 847* 17| 

One bag containing one piece of Bristol and Bezoar stones, two cornelian 
rings and two small agates, two amethysts. 

Which account was presented by Samuel Sewel, iVathanJel By field, Jeremiah 
Dumer and Andrew Belcher, Esqs. Commissioners appointed to receive and se- 
cure the same, under oath, to the Earl of Bellamont, Governor of Massachuseiis. 
This is only a part of the first of thirteen sheets, in which the whole account 
was comprized, as is certified by H. C. Addington, Secretary of State, 
July 25th, 1699 

Representatives for Long-Island in the first Convention — in 
the Provincial Congress — in the Senate and Assembly of the 
State ofJVew-York, and in the Continental Congress, during 
the Revolutionary War. 

The Deputies for Long- Island to the convention which met at tlie City of 
IVew-York April 10th, 1775, to choose delegates to the Continental Congress, 
were as follows : 

Suffol'i — William Floyd, Nathaniel Woodhull, Phineas Fanning Thomas 
Tredwell and John Sloss Hobart. 

Queens. -Jacob Blackwell and John Tallman. 

Kings. — Simon Boerum, Richard Stilwill, Theodorus Polhemus, Denise 
Denise and John Vanderbelt. 

• Soon after the convention was dissolved, on a recommendation from New- 
York, the several counties appointed delegates to meet and form a Provincial 
Congress to co-operate with ihe Continental Congress in such measures as they 
should devise for the public good. 

Thes« delegates met at New-York May 22d,1775, and continued with some 
new appointments to meet from time to time at different places, till tlie adoption 
of the Stale Constitution in April 1777. 



ounces. ■ ounces. > 


ounce.= . 


136 




691^ 




11 &. silver 124 




173i 




521 




29 




I sundry precious stones 


4i 




12^ 



110 

Duiiiig this period or the greatec part of it, the colony government was dis- 
solved ; the whole powers of sovereignty devolved on the people, and were exer^ 
cised by their Representatives in the Provincial Congress. 

The Provincial Congress by virtue of their representative capacity merely, 
without any constitution, guide, or control, but their own views of the public 
interests, performed all the duties and exercised the powers of a regularly con- 
stituted legislature. 

The members of the Provincial Congress for Long-Island, were as follows : 

5u^o/A:. —./Vathaniel Woodhull, John Sloss Hobart, Thomas Tredwell, John 
Foster, Ezra L. Hommedicu, Thomas Wickham, James Havens, Selah Strong, 
to which number David Gclston Esq is said to have been afterwards added by 
the people of South Hampton. 

(Queens. — James Blackwell, Sainuet Townsend, Jonathan Lawrence, Joseph 
Robinson. 

Kings — Henry Williams and Jeremiah Remsen. 

After the 30th of August 1776, when the Island was abandoned by the Ameri 
can army, such of the members only attended as had left the Island. 

By an "ordinance passed by the convention who framed the state constitution 
April 20th, 1777, it was provided that, that part of the State which had fallen 
into the hands of the enemy, should be represented in the Senate and Assembly 
by a proportiona'. number of members selected from those who had retired 
tVom those counties within the American lines. 

The following persons were selected for this purpose from the several coun- 
ties on Long-Island, and held their seats till the end of the war. 

Senators. — William Floyd, William Smith, Jonathan Lawrence. 

.Assemblymen for Suffolk. — Burnet Miller, David Gelston, Ezra L. Homrae- 
dieu, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas Wickes. 

For Queens — Philip Edsdell, Daniel Lawrence, Benjamin Coe, and Benjamin 
Birdsell. 

For Kings. — William Boerum and Henry Williams. 

The members of Congress from Long-Island during some period of the war 
were William Floyd, Simon Boerum, Ezra L. Hommedieu. 

^i list of the Governors, Ldeutenant Governors , and Presidents 
of the Council who administered the government of the colony 
and state of JVew-York, from 1629 to the present time. 

DUTCH GOVERNORS. 

Wouter Van TwiUer, - - 1629 

William Kieft, - - - - 1638 

Peter Stiiyvesant, _ - - 1647 

ENGLISH GOVERNORS, ^*C. 

Richard Nicolls, - - - 1664 
Francis Lovelace, - - - 1667 
Anthony Colve, on a re-capture of the pro- 
vince by the Dutch. 1673 
After the surrender to the English, Sir Ed- 
mund Andross, - - - 1674 

Brockholst, - - - 1682 

Thomas Dongan, _ . - 1683 

Francis Nicholson, - -; • 1689 

Jacob Leisler, - - - 1689 



Ill 

Henry Slaughter, - - - 1690 

Richard Ingolsby, - - - 1691 

Benjamin Fletcher, - - - 1692 

Richard, Earl of Bellamont, - - 1698 

John Nanfan, - - - 1699 

Lord Cornbury, _ - - 1702- 

Lord Lovelace, _ - - J 708 

Richard Ingolsby, - - - 1709 

Gerardus Beekman. - - - 1710 

Brigadier Hunter, - - - 1710 

Peter Schuyler, - - - 1719 

William Burnet, - - - 1720 

John Montgoraerie, _ - - 172S 

Rip Van Dam, - - - - 1731 

William Cosby, - - - • 1732 

George Clark, _ - - 1736 

George Clinton, - - - 1743 

Danvers Osborn, _ _ - 1753 

James De Lancey, _ _ - 1753 

Sir Charles Hardy, - - - • 1755 

James De Lancey, _ - _ 1757 

Cadwallader Colden, - - - 1760 

Robert Monkton, _ _ . 1762 

Cadwallader Colden, _ - - 1763 

Henry Moore, _ _ _ 1765 

John, Earl of Dunmore, - - 1770 

William Tryon, - - - 1771 

STATE GOVEBNORS. 

George Clinton, _ _ - 1777 

John Jay, _ . - - 1795 

George Clinton _ _ _ 1801 

Morgan Lewis j - , - - 1804 

Daniel D. Tompkins, - - 1807 

De Witt Clinton, - - - 1817 

the same, - , - - 1820 

Joseph C. Yates, - - - 1822 

DeWittChnton, - - - 1824 



CONTENTS. 

state of the Couiitry at the time oT its first settlement, - page 3 

Of the interfering claims of the Dutch and English, .'» 

Of the settlement of the Island, .-..----- Z 

Of Trade among the first settlers. -------- It 

Of the Character of ihe first settlers, ..-..- 17 

Of (he political condition of the English towns, 19 

Of their union wilh Connecticut, ..---.- 24 

Of the Ecclesiastical state of the several towns, 27 

Of the Indians on Long Island, -.------50 

Of the political condition of the several towns in the Dutch territory. - 66 
Of (he English government after the conquest in 1664 to the American 

Revolution, - - - - - - - ^^ 

Sketch of General Nathaniel tVoodhull, in note, ... 86 

APPENDIX. 

Of the Population of Long Island, - - - . - 92 

Of the Climate, ....... 95 

IMiscellaneous papers, ...... 98 



ERRATA. 

In page 6, line 7 and 9 from (he bottom, and wherever it occurs, for" Ster- 
ling," read Stirling. 
Page 10, bottom line, for " Trenhoven" read Tienhoven. 

12, line 10 from top, for " satisfy," read ratify. 

13, line 6 from bottom, in note, for " procession" read precession. 

14, line 6 from top, for " Martinecoc" read Matinecoc. 

15, lines 1 and 2 from top, for " William Leveridge, their minister, an- 
nually" read towards erecting a meeting house. 

18 line 6 from lop of note, for " which ' read whom- 
20 line 14 from top, for " ciely" read society. 
23, line 13 from top, after words " general town" add meeting. 
64, line 3 from bottom, after words " number of them," insert took the 
fort and kept possession of it. 

89, line 3 in note for " De Lancy," read Delnncey. 
13, add the following note : Although one or two grants were made 
for lands in Brooklyn and Flatlands, in 16?6. yot these were made lo single 
individuals; on the co^trr:'- ^"' ": Ju nd South Hampton were commenced 
by cojxpanies., rabodiea i; churches, with laws and magistrates, while the 
population of Brooklyn, the largest of the Dutcii towns, was not deemed suffi- 
cient to require regular magistrates till 1646. 

A church was erected at Southampton previous to 1645 ; the first in (be 
Dutch towns was commenced in 1654; so that altho' there were solitary indivi- 
duals first in (he Dutch towns, yet Southold and South Hampton Were in fact the 
first settled towns on the Island. 

Page 43, add the following note :— I have been informed that the applica 
tion for Bishops in the colonies, was resisted by the British ministry, under an 
apprehension that it would dissolve a powerful tie that served to bind this 
country to Great Britain, and would remove an important obstacle to inde- 
pendence. 



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